Paralingvistiliste vahendite uurimine ja nende kasutamine eestikeelses kõnes

Tenjes [Lõhmus], Silvi 1991. Paralingvistiliste vahendite uurimine ja nende kasutamine eestikeelses kõnes. Diplomitöö. Juhendaja prof. H. Õim. Tartu Ülikool, Eesti keele kateeder

Paralingvistika on siin defineeritud nii laialt, et hõlmab kõiki mitteverbaalse suhtlemise vahendeid. Paralingvistika on "teadus keelelistest vahenditest" ja parakeel on "vahendite kogu, mis osaleb keelelises kommunikatsioonis" (lk 9). Parakeel on "süsteeem, mis väljendab verbaalselt raskesti tabavaid subjektiivseid faktoreid" (lk 10). Parakeel saadab kõnet, kuid kineesika ja miimika "on seotud näiteks inimese emotsionaalse seisundiga ning ei osale tingimata antud informatsiooni edastamises".
Paralingvistika komponentide eristamisel on Lotmani "looduslik", "kultuuriline" ja "mitte-kultuuriline" siin "universaalsed", "etnolingvistilised" ja "idolektilised". Võimalik ka "bioloogiline", "sotsiaalne" ja "individuaalne".

Paralingvistika vahenditeks ei peeta autonoomseid ja suletud semiootilisis süsteeme, kuid nad võivad olla hästikorrastatud semiootiliste mitteverbaalsete süsteemide elementideks.
Põhjaliku klassifikatsiooni mitteverbaalsetest märkidest on teinud Randall P. Harrison (Harrison 1973). Mitteverbaalsed märgid kuuluvad nelja kategooriasse:

1. etenduslikud koodid, kus mitteverbaalsed märgid tulenevad keha tegevusest: näoilmetest, silmaliigutustest, keha asenditest, puudutusetest, haistmisest. Etenduslike koodide allkategooria hõlmab selliseid paralingvistilisi nähtusi nagu hääle kvaliteet, kõne takerduvus, ohkamised, haigutused, naer, ühmatused jne;
2. tehislikud koodid, kus mitteverbaalsed märgid tulevad esile kosmeetika, rõivastusega, ehete asetusega. Siia kuuluvad veel kunstiobjektid, skulptuurid, arhitektuur jne;
3. vahenduslikud koodid, kus mitteverbaalseteks märkideks on valikud, sobivused ja leidlikkused. Näit. võib toimetaja kärpida fotot mitmel viisil, ta võib valida must-valge või värvilise, ta saab valida kas foto või joonistuse; samuti võib operaator valida lühikese või pika kaadri, ta võib lisada muusikat või heliefekte, ta võid moodustada kaadritest "uue süntaksi" (montaaž);
4. kontekstuaalsed koodid, kus mitteverbaalsed märgid muudustuvad aja ja ruumi kasutamisest. See võib toimuda läbi ajalise ja ruumilise kommunikatsioonisüsteemide lokalisatsiooni ning osavõtjate kunstikavatsuslike võtete.

Toodud kategooriad hõlmavad väga laia ala ja mitte alati pole neil kommunikatiivset väärtust.
Mitteverbaalsetel märkidel võib eristada kolme omadust: modaalsust, koodi ning funktsiooni. (Tenjes 1991: 14)

Birdwhistelli kineesika mõisted on Tenjesel eesti keelde tõlgitud järgnevalt: kine - üksus (vähim kommunikatsioonis eristuv üksus); kineme - kineem (foneemi analoog, žesti minimaalne ühik); allokine - alloüksus (üks paljudest kineemi variantidest või žestiühik). Eestikeelsed vasted pidi ta ise välja mõtlema (Tenjes 1991: 18-19).

Psühholoogid on õnnelikud, kui saavad indiviidi uurida suhteliselt isoleerituna, aga kineesikud rõhutavad, et indiviidi peab uurima sotsiaalses kontekstis. Olulised käitumuslikud jooned on suhted interaktantide vahel saavadki ilmneda vaid suhtlussituatsioonis. Kineesikud proovivad tabada suhtluses osalejate kogu käitumuslikku kompleksi ja siis kõrvale heita ebaolulist. Psühholoogid liiguvad vastupidises suunas: kõigepealt eraldavad mõned kõige olulisemad käitumisjooned, lisades hiljem järk-järgult juurde uusi. (Tenjes 1991: 26-27)

Neli silmkontakti funktsiooni Kendoni järgi:

1. kognitiivne - kõneleja vaatab eemale kodeerimisraskuste puhul;
2. monitoorne - kõneleja vaatab oma partnerit, et kindlaks teha mõtteüksuste lõppemist ja olla kindel, et tema partner on valmis rolli üle võtma;
3. regulatiivne - silmkontakt esineb kas partneri ergutamiseks või tema jutu keelamiseks;
4. ekspressiivne - vaadates partnerit, võib kõneleja ärritada või tema kõnet takerduma panna.

See diplomitöö ei ole väga mahukas (köitest poole moodustab mahukas bibliograafia), kuid see-eest on sisukas. Tenjese doktoritöös iseenestmõistetavad ja peaaegu, et märkamatuks jäävad viited on siin üksikasjalikumalt ära selgitatud. Seda lugedes tekkis "töö mida mina oleksin tahtnud teha, on juba tehtud" tunne - nii Birdwhistelli kui ka Mehrabiani tööde kõige iseäralikumad omadused (just need, mis mullegi on silma hakanud) olid siin juba kirjeldatud (kineesika tasandid ja kõigi mitteverbaalsete märkide kultuurilisus; immediacy). Argyle'i viite sain kohe üle vaadata, sest tema raamat ootab aknalaual järjekorras. Hea meelega loeks ka Tenjese magistritöö läbi enne doktoritöö taaslugemist.
Sain siit huvitavaid viiteid. Näiteks Allport & Vernor - "Studies in Expressive Movement" (1933) torkas silma, sest olen Allporti, kes oli omal ajal eminent psühholoog USAs, sulest lugenud raamatus individuaali religioonist. Google Booksi kirjeldus ütleb "Studies in Expressive Movement" kohta, et teose teine osa tegeleb sellega "mida su käekiri ütleb su isiksuse kohta", AGA esimene osa tegeleb "väljendusliku liikumise" küsimustega kolmel tasandil:

The first is the level of traits, interests, attitudes, or sentiments considered as composing an "inner" personality; the second is the level of behavior and expression; the third is the level of impression, the perception and interpretation of behavior by another.

Veebisait archive.org pakub tervest raamatust tasuta allalaetava versiooni, kuid .SMIL failiformaadi lugemiseks on vaja eriprogrammi ja minul ei õnnestunud sobivat leida. Igal juhul tuleks meelde jätta, et kui kunagi jõuan Darwini raamatuni (samuti veebis saadaval), proovin ka Allporti raamatut muukida.

Mapping the world

Randviir, Anti 2004. Mapping the world: towards a sociosemiotic approach to culture / Anti Randviir ; [supervisor Peeter Torop] ; Department of Semiotics, University of Tartu, Tartu, Estonia

Vähemalt kord semestri jooksul. Iga korraga selgem kui eelnevaga.

All modelling inside culture and cultural beings is bound to semiotic reality. (Randviir 2004: 8)

"Igasugune modelleerimine kultuuris ja kultuurilistes olendites toimub semiootilise reaalsuse piirides." Kultuuriline käitumine ja selle tõlgendamine on ilmselgelt osa semiootilisest reaalsusest. Kerkib küsimus mida see modelleerimine endast täpselt kujutab, mis konstitueerib kultuuri piirid ja kultuurilise olendi.

The study of culture is always intrinsically semiotic, since it is always about communication. Communication, be it inter- or intrasubjective, is always social. Communication is executed through sign systems and artefacts that are frequently also the outcome of interaction. (Randviir 2004: 12)

Seos kultuuri ja kommunikatsiooni vahel näib vaieldamatu, just nagu inter- ja intrasubjektiivse kommunikatsiooni sotsiaalsus. Siin on huvitav see, et märgisüsteemid on interaktsiooni tulemus. Võiks öelda, et (inim)kommunikatsiooni tulemuseks on peale artefaktide ka mentifaktid.

As presented by W: Meyer-Eppler according to whom communication is the reception and processing of physically, chemically or biologically detectable signals by a living being (ibid.). This view is quoted and commented by Nöth as peripheral to the analysis of communication: "Semiosis without any activity on the side of the signal source certainly constitutes the lowest treshold of the semiotic field" (Nöth 1990: 170). This standpoint, in its rearranged form, appears to have two misleading aspects. Firstly, it confuses the relation between communication and semiosis - a more clear differentiation would refer to semiosis as the generation of meaningful unit(s), and to communication as the exchange of it/them. Secondly, it does not seem to be productive to approach semiosic activity as taking place only and strictly between two ontoglogically different subjects. If we speak of subjects of semiogenetic activity, there is no need for them to be different also on the ontological plane; the emergence of meaning is made possible in the tension field between different semiotic subjects rather than ontological subjects, as suggested by the cases of 'unilateral communication', autocommunication, intracultural communication, etc. (Randviir 2004: 25)

Mõnus, kuid nõuab jällegi semiootilise subjekti määratlemist. Võib-olla siin on midagi, mis jääb mul kahe silma vahele, kuid momendil tundub, intrasubjektiivse kommunikatsiooni puhul on ühes ontoloogilises subjektis rohkem kui üks semiootilist subjekti. Ainus viis kuidas momendil suudan subjekti määratleda, on (Foucault' järgi) "tahte allikas", mispuhul võib tõepoolest ühes inimeses valitseda mitu erinevat tahet, millest tegevusse rakendatakse korraga üks. Siin on sama mõttekäik sõnastatud teisiti:

no communication can be executed without signs. This entails that a semiotics of communication requires a semiotics of signification. Respectively, no signification can emerge without two different parties (even though both of them can be called into being by a single communicative agent); so the semiotics of the sign can hardly escape the level of code and that of communication. (Randviir 2004: 27)

"Tähistamine ei saa tekkida ilma kahe erineva osapooleta, kuigi mõlemad võivad olla ellu kutsutud üksiku kommunikatiivse agendi poolt." Iseendaga suhtlemine võib siin ulatuda nii kaugele, et nii sõnumi saatja kui ka vastuvõtja on sama indiduaal nt erineval ajahetkel.
Siinkohal mõistan esimest korda lk 29 skeemi kasutusse rakendada.

1. "Oma" kohtub "Teisega" ja ühisosast tuleneb
2. tähenduslikkuse äratundmine (otsustus, et midagi tähendab midagi), seejärel
3. tõlgendamine (sellele millelegi tähenduse andmine),
4. tekstualiseerimine (tähenduse kontseptuaalne struktureerimine) ja
5. tekstimine (tähenduse formaalne stuktureerimine).

Võttes väga robustse mitteverbaalse näite, võib öelda, et (1) teist inimest järgides võin (2) otsustada, et tema kindlal käitumisel on tähendus, (3) võtta arvesse kontekst ja muud aspektid mis paljastavad mulle võimaliku tähenduse, (4) valida sobivaim, kohaseim või kõige võimalikum tähendus ja lõpuks (5) olla kindel, et see tähendus on õige ning seda väljendada. Võib vabalt olla, et praegu tõlgendasin seda mudelit valesti.

By evoking fashionable norms of beauty in this way, a desired social behavior was achieved (or at least made more probable). (Randviir 2004: 32)

Mulle meeldib kuidas seda lauset (Belladonna kasutamise kohta) saab kohandada igasuguse mitteverbaalse manipuleerimise jaoks: "by evoking fashionable forms of behavior, a desired reaction can be achieved (or at least made more probable)."

Socialisation binds normative behaviour with cultural values that influence individual views on gender, ethnicity, ethics, religion and values ideologically loaded sociocultural constructions. Socialisation thus has a crucial role in bringing individuals from spatial integration to the level of logico-meaningful integration (Sorokin 1957, ch. 1.). Sociocultural integration, however, depends on the structural mechanisms of culture maintenance, and is thus guided by power relations and censorship hiding or highlighting certain cultural structures of possibilities of sociocultural networks. On the other hand, what may seem as inconsistencies in cultural system, may be subjected to social amendment or elaboration by social movements. Changes in both social and cultural morphology are thus mutually conditioned. (Randviir 2004: 38-39)

Sotsialiseerumine on ka protsess läbi mille täiendatakse oma metakommunikatiivset repertuaari või omandatakse 'käitumuslikku kapitali'.

'Centers' and 'peripheries' can be purely conceptual categories without any spatial articulation, yet making it possible to create popular messages the meaning of which is due to this opposition. Semiotisation of space and projection of meanings and metaneeds to both conceptual and physical areas is thus related to such unilateral communication that is operated by an intracultural (military, political, media, etc.) power position that makes it possible to reach group members, to whom knowledge about the world is mediated, in large numbers. (Randviir 2004: 67)

Tahaks siit välja lugeda, et kommunikatsioonisüsteemi keskuse ja perifeeria suhe pole ruumiline, vaid seotud võimusuhete ning informatsiooni distributsiooniga.

Seekordsel lugemisel torkasid rohkem silma selliste mõisted nagu sotsialiseerumine, ideoloogilisus, semiootiline reaalsus, bioloogiline ja kultuuriline Umwelt. Kummalisel kombel olen ma Rueschi paksust kogumikust läbi töödanud just need artiklid mida Randviir siin käsitleb (nt Social Control of Symbol Systems). Bergeri ja Luckmanni tööst tähtsustas ta institutsioonide aspekti ja Searli tekstist brute facts küsimust semiootilises reaalsuses. Osa ülikooli peahoone kujutisest meikis seekord senssi, aga raamatu viimased osad tüleks hoolikalt üle lugeda, sest seal käsitleb ta "märgi" mõistet ja üldistamise küsimust.

The birth of biopolitics

Foucault, Michel 2008. The birth of biopolitics : lectures at the College de France 1978-1979 / Michel Foucault ; edited by Michel Senellart. New York : Picador, 2008

Käesolev teos on üks kahest (Tartus) saadavalolevast raamatust mis käsitleb biopoliitikat. Ootasin midagi teistsugust. Olin pärast esimest sada lehekülge juba tüdinud majanduse ja valitsemise vaheliste seoste üle arutlemisest. Leidsin, et selles teoses pole minu jaoks suurt midagi. Kahesajanda lehekülje juures ei paistnud situatsioon muutuvad ja mõtlesin juba alla anda. Ainult see, et leidsin enne lõplikult loobumist raamatut hindavalt läbi lapates sõna behavior, päästis olukorra. Ja mul on hea meel, et otsustasin lõpuni lugeda. Asi läks lõpus huvitavaks. Ta defineeris kapitali ja kõneles inimkapitalist, defineeris kuriteo (tegu mis väärib karistamist), selgitas subjekti mõiste päritolu ja kuidas see seostub tahte või huviga ning jõudis lõpuks ka võimuni. Reis oli pikk ja kohati üpris tüütu, kuid seda väärt. Nagu on saanud kombeks, tsitaadid:

You recall the strict sense in which I understood "art of government," since in using the word "to govern" I left out the thousand and one different modalities and possible ways that exist for guiding men, directing their conduct, constraining their actions and reactions, and so on. Thus I left to one side all that is usually understood, and that for a long time was understood, as the government of children, of families, of a household, of souls, of communities, and so forth. I only considered, and again this year will only consider the government of men insofar as it appears as the exercise of political sovereignty. (Foucault 2008: 1-2)

On the other hand, what is entailed by what we will now call internal policy, by the police state? Well, it entails precisely an objective or set of objectives that could be described as unlimited, since for those who govern in the police state it is not only a matter of taking into account and taking charge of the activity of groups and orders, that is to say, of different types of individuals with their particular status, but also of taking charge of activity of groups and orders, that is to say, of different types of individuals with their particular status, but also of taking charge of activity at the most detailed, individual level. All the great seventeenth and eighteenth century treatises of police that collate and try to systematize the different regulations are in agreement on this and say explicitly: The object of police is almost infinite. THat is to say, when it is a question of an independent power facing other powers, government according to raison d'État has limited objectives. But there is no limit to the objectives of government when it is a question of managing a public power that has to regulate the behavior of subjects. (Foucault 2008: 7)

The question here is the same as the question I addressed with regard to madness, disease, deliquency, and sexuality. In all of these cases, it was not a question of showing how these objects were for a long time hidden before finally being discovered, nor of showing how all these objects are only wicked illusions or ideological products to be dispelledin the [light] of reason finally having reached its zenith. It wa a matter of showing by what does not exist (madness, disease, deliquency, sexuality, etcetera), nonetheless become something, something however that continues to exist. That is to say, what I would like to show is not how an error - when I say that which does not exist becomes something, this does not mean showing how it was possible for an error to be constructed - or how an illusion could be born, but how a particular regime of truth, and therefore not an error, makes something that does not exist able to become something. It is not an illusion since it is precisely a set of practices, real practices, which establish it and thus imperiously marks it out in reality. (Foucault 2008: 19)

We should keep in mind that heterogeneity is never a principle of exclusion; it never prevents coexistence, conjunction, or connection. (Foucault 2008: 42)

More precisely, we can say that it is through interests that government can get a hold on everything that exists for it in the form of individuals, actions, words, wealth, resources, property, rights, and so forth. We can put this more clearly, if you like, with a very simple question: On what did the sovereign, the monarch, the state have a hold in the previous system, and on what was its right to exercise this hold based, legitimized, and founded? It was things, lands. The king was often, not always, considered to be the owner of the realm, and it was as such that he could intervene. Or at any rate he owned an estate. He could exercise a hold over the subjects since, as subjects, they had a personal relation to the sovereign that meant that whatever the rights of the subjects themselves he could exercise a hold over everything. In other words, there was a direct hold of power in the form of the sovereign, in the form of his ministers, a direct hold of government over things and people.
On the basis of the new governmental reason - and this is the point of separation between the old and the new, between raison d'État and reason of the least state - government must no longer intervene, and it no longer has a direct hold on things and people; it can only exert a hold, it is only legitimate, ounded in law and reason, to intervene, insofar as interest, or interests, the interplay of interests, make a particular individual, thing, good, wealth, or process of interest for individuals, or for the set of individuals, or for the interst of a given individual faced with the interest of all, etcetera. Government is only interested in interests. The new government, the new governmental reason, does not deal with what I would call the things in themselves of governmentality, such as individuals, things, wealth, and land. It no longer deals with these things in themselves. It deals with the phenomena of politics, that is to say, interests, which precisely constitute politics and its sakes; it deals with interests, or that respect in which a given individual, thing, wealth, and so on interests other individuals or the collective body of individuals. (Foucault 2008: 45)

What have the bourgeoise and capitalist economy and state produced? They have produced a society in which individuals have been torn from their natural community and borught together in the flat, anonymous form of the mass. Capitalism produces the mass. Capitalism consequently produces what Sombart does not exactly call one-dimensionality, but this is precisely what he defines. Capitalism and bourgeoise society have deprived individuals of direct and immediate communication with each other and they are forced to communicate through the intermediary of a centralized administrative apparatus. [They have] therefore reduced individuals to the state of atoms subject to an abstract authority in which they do not recognize themselves. Capitalist society has also forced individuals into a type of mass consumption with the functions of standardization and normalization. Finally, this bourgeoise and capitalist economy has doomed individuals to communicate with each other only through the play of signs and spectacles. (Foucault 2008: 113)

How is human capital made up? Well, they say, it is made up of innate elements and other, acquired elements. Let's talk about the innate elements. There are those we can call hereditary, and othes which are just innat; differences which are, of course, self-evident for anyone with the vaguest aquaitance with biology. I do not think that there are as yet any studies on the problem of the hereditary elements of human capital, bhut it is quite clear what form they could take and, above all, we can see through anxieties, concerns, problems, and so on, the birth of something which, according to your point of view, could be interesting or disturbing. In actual fact, in the - I was going to say, classical - analyses of these neo-liberals, in the analyses of Schultz or Becker, for example, it is indeed said that the formation of human capital only has interest and only becomes relevant for the economist inasmuch as this capital is formed thanks to the use of scarce means, to the alternative use of scarce means for a given end. Now obviously we do not have to pay to have the body we have, or we do not have to pay for out genetic make-up. It costs nothing. (Foucault 2008: 227)

We now adopt the point of view of the person who commits the crime, or who will commit the crime, while keeping the same content of the definition. We ask: What is the crime for him, that is to say, for the subject of an action, for the subject of a form of conduct or behavior? Well, it is whatever it is that puts him at risk of punishment. (Foucault 2008: 252)

What I think is fundamental in English empiricist philosophy - which I am treating completely superficially - is that it reveals something which absolutely did not exist before. This is the idea of a subject of interest, by which I mean a subject as the source of interest, the starting point of interest, or the site of a mechanism of interest. For sure, there is a series of discussions on the mechanism of interest itself and what may activate it: is it self-preservation, is it the body or the soul, or is it sympathy? But this is not what is important. What is important is the appearance of interest for the first time as a form of both immediately and absolutely subjective will. (Foucault 2008: 273)

Now you find the same kind of schema of an effect of totality, of a global reality arising through the blindness of each individual, but with regard to history. The history of humanity in its overall effects, its continuity, and in its general and recurrent forms - savage, barbarous, civilized, and so on - is nothing other than the perfectly logical, decipherable, and identifiable form or series of forms arising from blind initiatives, egoistic interests, and calculations which individuals only ever see in terms of themselves. (Foucault 2008: 307)

Well, let's say in a very general, overall way that for a long time the idea of regulating, measuring, and so limiting the indefinite exercise of power was sought in the wisdom of the person who would govern. Wisdom was the old answer. Wisdom means governing in accordance with the order of things. It means governing according to the knowledge of human and divine laws. It means governing according to God's prescriptions. It means governing according to what the general human and divine order may prescribe. In other words, when one sought to identify how the sovereign had to be wise and in what his wisdom consisted, one basically tried to regulate and model government in terms of the truth. It was the truth of religious texts, or revelation, and of the order of the world that had to be the principle of the regulation, or adjustment rather, of the exercise of power. (Foucault 2008: 311)

The relationship of verbal and nonverbal communication

The relationship of verbal and nonverbal communication / edited by Mary Ritchie Key. Paris : Mouton Publishers, 1980

Seda laenutama minnes imestasin miks ta on sotsiaalteaduste osakonna hoidlas, mitte pearaamatukogus või isegi semiootika osakonnas. Pärast lugemist arvan, et ta on täitsa õiges kohas. Pealkiri tõotas informatsiooni mida selles tegelikult ei sisaldu. Kõige lähemal sellele teemale on tegelikult vaid Mary Ritchie Key enda sissejuhatav artikkel sellest, kuidas keel ja mitteverbaalne käitumine on sotsiaalsüsteemide organiseerijad. See väide muidugi ei tähenda, et raamat oleks halb või kasutu. Vastupidi, sain sellest palju ja isegi head materjali - kohati pealekauba sellist, mis seostub vahetult minu käsiloleva uurimusega.
Seni loetud mitteverbaalse suhtlemise raamatutest on see esimene tõeline artiklikogu mille külge minu käed on saanud. Tõsi, arvutis on nii mõnigi taoline, kuid lugeda pole veel raatsinud. Teemade ja autorite paljusus teeb sellest mõneti kaootilise teose, kus oli minu jaoks nii head kui halba. Näiteks paar väga lingvistikapõhist artiklit ei andnud mulle midagi. Seevastu Eibl-Eibesfeldti ja kaaslaste artikkel nõudmisest, andmisest ja võtmisest Lääne-Uus-Guineas oli väärt näpuga jälge ajamist pilte vaadates. Analüüs videomaterjalist millel väikesed tüdrukud söövad pähkleid on äärmiselt huvitav ja valgustav. Ja muidugi viisakuse definitsioon, mille võiks emakeeles meelde jätta: viisakus tähendab küsida teiselt midagi, andes teisele võimalus keelduda ilma, et selle tõttu puruneksid suhted. Seda artiklit võiks tulevikus uuesti lugeda.
Autorite valik on tõepoolest kirju, mistõttu ei läinud isegi minu jaoks kasutud artiklid raisku, vaid andsid aimu valdkondadest, mis 1980ndaks aastaks olid välja kujunenud. Selles oli valdkonna esindajaid sotsio- ja psühholingvistidest ja generatiivgrammaatikast kuni pragmaatika ja neo-behaviorismini. Isegi sotsiaal- ja reaalteadustest valgus mõjutusi, kõige absurdsemad neist sealjuures võrdlesid keemiat ja semantikat ning panid paari füüsika ja käitumise. Sealhulgas kohtusin esimest korda kroneemikaga (chronemics) pikemalt kui lihtsalt maining ja lugesin esimest korda Adam Kendoni teksti. Jätan siia hulga tsitaate, mida pidasin säilitamisväärseks:

Preface

Out beginning premise is that when human beings interact, language, in a linguistic sense, may or may not occur, but extralinguistic correlates always occur.

For some purposes, of course, such as where the communication is principally informative, language is the conveyor. But for other purposes in human interaction, such as expressive and directive communication, nonverbal correlates carry the heavy load in the dialogue.

Language and Nonverbal Behavior as Organizers of Social Systems
by Mary Ritchie Key

I propose that verbal and nonverbal expressions of status (reflecting the economic system) and male/female differences are the most important features of differentiation in the dynamics of human interaction. (Key 1980: 7)

We can observe the organism and how it reacts to a behavioral event, i.e. a speech act or a nonverbal act, in terms of the organization of social relationships rather than the act being a conveyor of information which is either a 'truth' or a 'falsehood'. In this sense one can note that is is just as impossible to define a 'lie' as it is to define 'truth'. In fact, the concept of Truth may be one of the greatest deceptions that humans have devised. (Key 1980: 10)

The extraction of meaning from a verbal or a nonverbal act has to do with discovering the motivation for that act. (Key 1980: 10)

The term patterns of behavior implies a cyclic nature in the interaction of human beings with the environment or with other human beings. Linguistic and nonverbal signals have been called 'regulators' and 'control mechanisms'. Scholars have referred to the synchrony of interactional events - 'self-synchrony' (inner rhythms of an idiosyncratic nature) and 'interactional synchrony' (conversational rhythms). 'Syncing' or 'being in sync' are common terms now among people studying interactional behavior, as well as among professionals in the film industry. (Key 1980: 13)

Another certainty is that many, if not most, of the behaviors are articulated out-of-awareness. Some of these can be brought to awareness, but it is not at all clear how much the human being is capable of perceiving. In fact, a good case could be made for the human being or a family, group, or institution, becoming dysfunctional if too much is brought to awareness. (Key 1980: 22)

It could be that nonverbal behavior is where physiology and psychology or linguistics meet; nonverbal behavior is the interface where body and language blend. (Key 1980: 29)

In order to find the unifying scheme in which all the forces inherent in language and nonverbal exchanges are connected we might try another point of view. As I have suggested at the beginning of this chapter, we can look at language and nonverbal behavior as organizers of social systems. Physicists can explain much about the universe in relatively simple ways, by reducing the interaction to four basic forces. We can find easily applied analogies in human interaction by thinking of such terms as: attract-repel; affiliate-withdraw. (Key 1980: 29)

The Relation of Interactional Synchrony to Cognitive and Emotional Processes
by William S. Condon

Each language group will probably manifest its own body motion rhythms. Such differences may affect the interaction. Micro sound-film analysis is only just beginning to provide information about this complex dimension of behavior. (Condon 1980: 55)

Normal response exhibits temporal regularities which can be observed in the timing of the eye movements, the turn of the head, the verbal acknowledgement, and the motion and rhythms of the listener's body in relation to sounds, particularly human speech. A listener provides the speaker with almost constant feedback that he is attending, including information about the level of that attending. The body of the listener moves in time and intensity with the speech of the speaker. The speaker is probably aware at some level of the listener's responsive entertainment and the many subtle variations of it. (Condon 1980: 58)

An orienting response is the response of orienting oneself toward perceived stimuli, such as looking around in response to hearing one's name called. In daily life such looking around (within a certain time limit) provides the speaker with evidence that the person has heard him. (Condon 1980: 60)

Human history has been an illustration of the search for identity - that of the self. There has been an on-going clash between systems of belief and believable systems (based on information gathering). Emergent information which gains assent has an impact on prevailing systems of belief, often forcing reformulations. Our age, perhaps more than any other, is characterized by people beginning to study themselves as objects of knowledge. This is related more to man as a person in societies of persons and not so much to his physical nature which has had a longer history of study. People themselves and all their behaviors are taken as objects of knowledge. They are assumed to be as fully determined as any other natural process, even though incredibly complicated. The study of verbal and nonverbal communication highlights this trend. These are only two illustrations among a vast number of such studies across many dimensions. We are information gatherers as other cultures were food gatherers of various types. Humans are only animals, although specialized by their degree of intelligence. They will be found to be more and more fully determined. All aspects of their existence are beginning to be scrutinized: their gaze patterns, their posture and movements, their intonational patterns, their verbalizations, their communication leakages, their slips, their hesitations, their greetings, and their courtships and aggressions. And as their identity shrinks one wonders how they will come to view themselves and their purposes. These are the questions which also need to be raised. Human communication does not exist in a vacuum and greater knowledge of human behavior will have consequences on how people view themselves. (Condon 1980: 61)

Communication is not just a process of 'bits' of information traveling between people: it is just as much an overaching domain of trust and distrust; the multitudinous and subtle ways by which people love and hate, praise and blame, accept and reject - themselves as well as others. A such they affect the inner being of others, there to aid or hinder, with greater or lesser consequences on that inner life. (Condon 1980: 63)

A Method for Film Analysis of Ethnic Communication Style
by Carolyn Leonard-Dolan

As two individuals each possessing a distinctive repertoire of nonverbal behavior begin to interact with each other a new and complex system develops, a 'resultant' of the joining together of both the individuals' patterns. (Leonard-Dolan 1980: 94)

Chronemics and the Verbal-Nonverbal Interface
by Thomas J. Bruneau

The basic foundations of languages involve temporal alterations, perspectives, and functions which counteract the silence and null stances of rigid present orientations. However, on the other hand, verbosity and verbal reasoning may be counterproductive to an awareness of the present moment and a here-and-now focus necessary for awareness of nonverbal behavior. (Bruneau 1980: 109)

It may be hypothesized that personal tempo interacts in many significant ways to yeald particular space-time configurations in one's environments. It may also be hypothesized that habitual tempo in social and cultural situations interacts in significant ways with personal tempo. These propositions certainly deserve a great deal of focused investigation. Inquiry into the nonverbal meaning of time and human tempo has been curiously minimal. (Bruneau 1980: 111)

Numbers and systems of numbers epitomize the language of objective temporality. Consequently, relative temporal environments appear to be neglected in the theoretical constructions and models concerning nonverbal behavior. (Bruneau 1980: 112)

Requesting, Giving, and Taking: The Relationship Between Verbal and Nonverbal Behavior in the Speech Community of the Eipo, Irian Jaya (West New Guinea)
by VOlker Heeschen, Wulf Schiefenhövel and Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt

One of the guiding hypotheses of this article, is that nonverbal acts are not only prerequisites, necessary accompaniments, or substitutes of language proper, but that they are means of action in their own right, the employment of which depends heavily on the different strategies in face-to-face interaction. Connected with this proposal is the second hypothesis that for human beings in general it is advantageous to have at their disposal two channels of communication: the verbal and nonverbal. Thus human beings are enabled to require, beg, approach, and make claims, which can be hostile acts or acts of provoking repulsion and aggressivity, on the one channel, while maintaining the bonding process on the other. (Heesch, Schiefenhövel & Eibl-EIbesfeldt 1980: 141)

Preverbal Communication and Linguistic Evolution
by Ivan Fónagy

The stylistic value of a variant is at first determined by the articulatory gesture it involves. In the following stages of development of stylistic character, a determining factor is the distribution of variants in social space (social status, professional groups, sex and age, etc.). (Fónagy 1980: 174)

THe Nonverbal Context of Verbal Listener Responses
by Howard M. Rosenfeld and Margaret Hancks

Listeners are as active kinesically as they are verbally. They engage in a wide range of visible nonverbal behaviors, some but not all of which co-occur with their verbal listener responses. These include occasional shifts in posture, periodic changes in direction of orientation of the head and eyes, gesticulations of the hands and arms, and a variety of affective and emblematic reactions involving the face and head. (Rosenfeld & Hanks 1980: 193)

The most commonly identified kinesic form of listener responses is the head nod. Head nods may or may not accompany verbal listener responses. In fact they often occur in the absence of any verbal component, although the present analysis will be limited to consideration of listener responses that contain some vocal activity. An interesting difference between brief vocalizations [nagu "mhm"] and head nods is that the latter are much more likely to occur in listenere prior to the completion of a speaker's utterance. This difference in location may be attributed to the less interruptive consequences of nodding, versus talking, while another person is speaking. But a further possibility is that when the listener nods prior to completion of an utterance of the speaker, it indicates that the listener is processing information faster than the speaker is producing it. Such behavior could have important effects upon the subsequent type and amount of information provided by the speaker. There also has been some speculation that more complex forms of listener response, such as the combination of brief vocalizations and head nods, may communicate more complex feedback messages - for example, understanding or agreement rather than simple attention. (Rosenfeld and Margaret 1980: 194)

'Acquisition' of Communication Competence: Is Language Enough?
by Morton Wiener, Robert Shilkret, and Shannon Devoe

If we are to investigate nonverbal behaviors as components within a communication matrix, and as systematically emitted by and responded to as having communication significance by most, if not all, members of a given group or subgroup, it becomes important to discriminate nonverbal communication behaviors from nonverbal noncommunication behaviors (e.g. socially patterned behaviors learned as part of the social matrix such as patterns of walking typical of males or females in a given group, and nonsocial nonverbal behaviors such as swatting at a mosquito). Unfortunately, from our perspective, few investigators of nonverbal behavior have been concerned with discriminating between nonverbal communication behaviors - that is, nonverbal behaviors which, like verbal behaviors, are part of a code used by members of a group in communication behaviors - and nonverbal behaviors which an observer can use as a 'sign', that is, as behaviors from which an observer can make inferences about the behaving individual. (Wiener, Shilkret & Devoe 1980: 280)

The acquisition metaphor presents still a further problem for us. The term 'acquisition' seems to suggest some common end-point beyond which only minor change may occur and beyond which all 'competent' members of a language group are ostensibly interchangeable. However, a group of adults, all of whom have presumably acquired 'language', are not all equally likely to produce and comprehend poetry, metaphor, or proverbs; nor can it be taken for granted that all will 'comprehend' the 'same' nonmetaphorical, nonproverbial or nonpoetical statement in the same way; nor even that the same person will comprehend the 'same' statements in the same way at different times, e.g. on repeated readings of some particular book or article. Given these kinds of considerations, it would seem to be essential to include, in concerns about 'acquisition' some statements about excplicit criteria of mastery which specify what kinds of forms or combinations, for what kinds of contents, in what communication matrix, in what kinds of communication contexts, for what kinds of audiences, for what kind of speakers. (Wiener, Shilkret & Devoe 1980: 285)

FOr us, then, 'rule-following' is a phrase which describes the regularity and predictability of individuals' behaviors in contexts, and not a 'thing' which is acquired in addition to the behaviors themselves. That is, regularity and predictability of communication behavior are not statements of what the child 'knows' but statements of whether or not the child behaves consistently as assessed by some social norm. (Wiener, Shilkret & Devoe 1980: 285)

Silenve is Golden? The Changing Role of Non-Talk in Preschool Conversations
by D. Jean Umiker-Sebeok

Gaps are to a certain extent encouraged by the sequencing rules of spontaneous conversation, which allocate turns one at a time and where each such allocation involves a set of options open to participants. The current speaker, first of all, has to decide whether or not to select the next speaker himself, and at what point in his turn. If he does not select next speaker, the listener must decide whether or not to self-select, and, if he decides to take a turn, must project ahead to a likely termination of current speaker's turn and select an appropriate turn-entry device. Finally, the current speaker must decide if he will continue speaking if no listener has self-selected. At each of these decision-making points, participants may choose not to take a turn. In this sense, gapping, like overlapping, is a result of the conversation being a system of self-management, where turns are assigned through the direct interaction of participants. (Umiker-Sebeok 1980: 295)

Silence in adult conversations are, then, as systematically imbued with significance as signs where the signifier has an overt verbal or nonverbal form, and adequate conversational performances require that interlocutors be able to interpret and employ such 'zero-signifiers' correctly. (Umiker-Sebeok 1980: 196)

Dionysians and Apollonians
by Arnold M. Zwicky

Nobody knows what 'intuition' really is. My guess is that it is a sort of subconscious reasoning, only the end result of which becomes conscious. (Szent-Gyorgyi 1980: 317)

Why Electromagnetism is the Only Causal 'Spook' Required to Explain Completely Any Human Behavior or Institution
by F. T. Cloak, Jr.

Ti anticipate a bit: the characteristics of any living thing or any product of a living thing - including a behavior, an artifact, or a social organization - are entirely the outcomes of two sequences of events that happen to that thing and/or product - its ontogeny and its phylogeny. Very roughly, its ontogeny is the sequence of events through which the thing develops from seed, and its phylogeny is the sequence of events through which the seed acquired its characteristic ontogeny in the first place. (Cloak, Jr. 1980: 328)

But the ubiquity of the inverse square law suggests to me that all macroevents have microexplanations. If that is true, we are wasting our time when we look for correlations between classes of macroevents without simultaneously seeking microexplanations to provide the causal links... (Cloak, Jr. 1980: 329)

An instruction, a structure which can do a certain behavior, is like any other material structure except that is has this peculiar ability to behave on cue and then return to its pre-behavior state and hence, to behave again on cue. One can say that the instruction is the structure which can do behavior: or, metaphorically, that the structure carries the instruction; or that a pre-existing structure is programmed with the instruction by the modification of its fine structure. (Cloak, Jr. 1980: 334)

While a social organization is maintained, of course, it has effects on the behaviors of individual organisms, both members and nonmembers. These effects fall into two categories: In the short term, group-behaviors release or cue an instruction carried by one or more individual organisms; the resultant behavior may itself be sociogenic, as when a group-member, cued by being in the group situation, directs some sanctioning behavior toward another member cueing, in turn, some conformist behavior on his/her part - social control, in a phrase. In the longer term, the social organization and its behaviors make up a salient part of the environment controlling the subsequent evolution (phylogeny) of the instructional repertory of the population - again including sociogenic and other social isntructions. (Cloak, Jr. 1980: 335)

The Presentation Of Self In Everyday Life

Goffman, Erving [1959] 1990. The Presentation Of Self In Everyday Life. Penguin Books

Käesolev raamat vastas ootustele. Kõnekas on tegelikult see, kuidas need ootused üldse tekkisid. Goffmani dramaturgiline sotsioloogia on selline nähtus, mida paljud võtavad vaevaks mainida. Kirjanduses alati mitte just sellele teosele, sest pärast seda laiendas Goffman oma käsitlust veel mitmele väljale (avalik käitumine on üks). Ülikoolis pööratakse aga just sellele teosele alatasa tähelepanu - just nagu Austini, Ekmani ja Shannon-Weaveriga, väärib Goffman suhtlemise uurimisel pidevat viitamist.
Ootasin sellest teosest Goffmani käsitluse esimest nurgakivi ja seda ta ka oli. Just nagu esimese raamatu puhul mida tema sulest lugesin, oli ka käesolev täidetud väga lihtsalt sõnastatud arutluskäikude ja kirjanduslike näidetega. Kuna teos kirjutatud möödunud sajandi keskpaigas, on sel omad eripärad (subjekt on alati he), kuid üldiselt on sõnavaraga kerge harjuda. Mõned väljendid, nagu performance ja definition of the situation on niivõrd määravad selle töö puhul, et mujal neid kohates tekivad automaatsed sidemed Goffmani käsitlusega.
Hea lugemine ja akadeemiliselt usaldusväärne (või vähemalt niimoodi näib). Kuna teda on nämmutatud kõikjal, võib kasutada samale leheküljele jõudmiseks (just nagu Austin). Kindlasti tuleb lugeda uuesti, sest Goffmani lihtsapäraste argieluliste näidete kohta esitatud küsimused on just need millele hilisemad uurijad proovisid vastata. Kiidan igati heaks.

Et ma ei teinud esmakordsel lugemisel märkmeid ega tsiteerinud midagi, jätan siia kokkuvõtvad punktid mis pärinevad sellest raamatust:

Goffman develops the Johnson-Duclos duality.

1. GI: The constitutive Principle: People monitor their performances according to dramatic principles.
2. GII: The Explanatory Principle: In order to understand certain sequences of social behaviour these should be analysed for Act-action structure by reference to dramatic principles, and the accounts analysed for explanatory purposes as if they described the work and mode of performance of actors.
3. Goffman's analytical concepts.
   1. impression management (performance).
   2. cooperation and mutual support in impression management (team).
   3. place of performance and place of preparation of performance (back and front regions).
   4. discrepant roles are those played by people who put on countervailing performances or send up the performance being staged.
   5. The proof that these are performances is found in the fact that certain facts about the performers would discredit the performance and must be concealed.
4. Other analytical frameworks can be fitted within the generalized dramaturgical standpoints by exploiting the full range of R-r models.

(Harré & Secord 1976: 206-207)

Paralanguage And Kinesics

Key, Mary Ritchie 1975. Paralanguage And Kinesics (Nonverbal Communication). The Scarecrow Press, Inc.

Hilisemas toimetatud teoses ütleb Key, et selle raamatu nimi oleks võinud olla "Kõik mida sa võiksid tahta teada mitteverbaalsest suhtlemisest". Oma aja kohta on see tõepoolest väga kokkuvõtlik ülevaade kogu valdkonnast. Sealjuures 1/3 raamatust on laialdane bibliograafia, kuhu raamatu originaalne omanik on teinud värvilise markeriga tähistusi. Sealjuures on ära märgistatud artikkel mille vastu minulgi on huvi: Thomas Sebeoki ""Paralanguage, kinesics, and cultural anthropology".
Raamat on kirjutatud märkmete laadis - iga lõik jutustab järgmisest nähtusest või tähelepanekust. Monospace kirjatüüp jätab veel enam mulje, et tegemist on uurija loengumärkmetega. Seda oli hoolimata lühidusest päris hea lugeda. Midagi liiga üllatavat ei kohanud, kuid oli lõike mida võib kunagi kasutusse rakendada. Selleks tuleks muidugi teos üle lugeda, sest esimesel korral lugesin teda öökapiraamatuna. Mary Ritchie Key sai pärast seda vististi tuntud nimeks valdkonnas, et ta toimetas köidet verbaalse ja mitteverbaalse suhtlemise vahelisest suhtest. Annan raamatule 10st 7. Vaata ka teistkordset lugemist.

How to Talk About Books You Haven't Read

Bayard, Pierre 2007. How to Talk About Books You Haven't Read. Bloomsbury USA, New York

Sain vihje selle raamatu kohta ja järgmisel hommikul ärgates tundsin vajadust seda lugeda. Internet tuli läbi ja pakkus allalaadimise. Lühidalt räägib see teos sellest, kuidas hinnata mitte raamatute sisu, vaid seda, mis neid ümbritseb: "The interior of the book is less important than its exterior, or, if you prefer, the interior of the book is its exterior, since what counts in a book is the books alongside it." Siin on näha strukturalistliku semioloogi mõttekäiku. Bayard kohtlen "raamatuid" süsteemina ja kogu süsteemi tundmiseks tuleb tunda süsteemi elemente - selleks, et tunda ühte raamatut, tuleb tunda ka teda ümbritsevaid raamatuid. Mulle meenus kohe Saussure - samasuse loob erinevuste süsteem. Sama käsitlust jätkab ta eksplitsiitselt hiljem:

A book is an element in the vast ensemble I have called the collective library, which we do not need to know comprehensively in order to appreciate any one of its elements. The trick is to define the book's place in that library, which gives it meaning in the same way a word takes on meaning in relation to other words. (Bayard 2007: 117)

Raamatu sügavam point on see, et raamatute lugemine hoiab ennast tagasi loomisest. Autor innustab lugejat mitte lugema põhjalikult ja looma raamatute sisu enda jaoks ise. Seda mõtet järgides loob ta väidetavalt ka raamatus kasutatud ilmekad tsitaadid. Siin on katkend, mis võib ja võib mitte olla Umberto Eco teoses "Name of the Rose":

...laughter is weakness, corruption, the foolishness of our flesh. It is the peasant's entertainment, the drunkard's license; even the church in her wisdom has granted the moment of fest, carnival, fair, this diurnal pollution that releases humors and distracts from other desires and other ambitions . . . Still, laighter remains base, a defense for the simple, a mystery desecrated for the plebeians.

Ja veel mõned meeldivad tsitaadid:

Even as I read, I start to forget what I have read, and this process is unavoidable. It extends to the point where it's as though I haven't read the book at all, so that in effect I find myself rejoining the ranks of non-readers, where I should no doubt have remained in the first place. At this point, saying we have read a book becomes essentially a form of metonymy. When it comes to books, we never read more than a püortion of greater or lesser lenght, and that portion is, in the longer or shorter term, condemned to disappear. When we talk about books, then, to ourselves and to others, it would be more accurate to say we are talking about our approximate recollections of books, rearranged as a function of current circumstances. (Bayard 2007: 47-48)

Authority is an essential element at play in our discussion of books, if only because citing a text is most often a way of establishing one's own authority or contesting that of others. (Bayard 2007: 70)

It is these inner books that make our exchanges about books so difficult, rendering it impossible to establish unanimity about the object of discussion. They are part of what I have called, in my study of Hamlet, an inner paradigm - a system for perceiving reality that is so idiosyncratic that no two paradigms can tryly communicate.
The existence of the inner book, along with unreading or forgetting, is what makes the way we discuss books so discontinuous and heterogeneous. What we take to be the books we have read is in fact an anomalous accumulation of fragments of texts, reworked by our imagination and unrelated to the books of others, even if these books are materially identical to ones we have held in our hands. (Bayard 2007: 85-86)

In the numerous situations where we find it necessary to charm another person, such a mathod might allow us to indicate to him or her that we share a common cultural universe. By training himself in Rita's preferred reading material and thus penetrating as deeply as possible into her private world, Phil is straining to create the illusion that their inner books are the same. And perhaps an ideal and deeply shared love should indeed give each lover access to the secret texts of which the other is composed. (Bayard 2007: 108)

Nonverbal Communication In Human Interaction

Knapp, Mark L. 1972. Nonverbal Communication In Human Interaction. Purdue University

Not bad at all. Knappi olen selle valdkonna kirjanduse viidetes kohanud tihti. Ta kirjutas selle ülikooli aine täienduseks ja seetõttu on tegu kokkuvõtetega, mis on küll lühikesed, kuid mitte liialt lihtsustatud. On tajuda, et Knapp on tõlgendanud eelnevaid ja oma aja autoriteete ja 80ndatel sai temast endast üks, sest käesolevat teost tõlgendati veel edasi. Seetõttu oli ka enamus raamatu sisust tuttav. Muidugi oli ka uut ja huvitavat. Out of nowhere oli esitatud üpris põhjalik kokkuvõte notatsioonisüsteemidest, sh ka Birdwhistelli omast. Minu jaoks oli tabeleid liiga palju (rohkem kui 0), kuid enamus jooniseid on sellised, mida kaalutlen sisse skänneerida. Vahva on ka see, et kui Rueschi ja Keesi teos lõppes pildiga teetupikust, siis käesolev lõpeb pildiga tühjast tualettrullist, mille kõrval on kohe ka uus. Kokkuvõttes: meeldis!

A final, but important, note. In the Preface to this book, we observed that a book devoted entirely to nonverbal communication might be considered misleading - that nonverbal systems should not be portrayed as separate processes, independent from verbal behavior. To overcome this danger, we have stressed the integral relationship between verbal and nonverbal systems whenever possible. (Knapp 1972: 202)

Armastuse Märgid

Givens, David 2007. Armastuse Märgid - Praktiline kurameerimiskeele õpik. Pilgrim

Givensit tsiteeris Navarro "romantiliste jalgade" katkendis, korrates üle Givensi tähelepanek, et jalad ja suguorganid on mingite ventraalsete närvidega ühendatud niiet ühe puudutamine mõjub samaaegselt ka teise puudutamisena. Iseenesest mitte midagi rabavat, sest Desmond Morris pühendab taolistele aspektidele palju rohkem tähelepanu ja läheb isegi nii kaugele, et kirjeldab naiste masturbeerimistaktikat mis seisneb reite kokku hõõrumises. Navarrole ilmselt lihtsalt meeldis see jalgade teema, sest tema 'suur avastus' oli jalgade käitumise tõeväärtus (millega ta ehk läks isegi liiga kaugele). Givensi jaoks tundub selleks vaimustuse objektiks olevat hoopis pea. Ja sellegagi tsiteerib ta Desmond Morrist, kelle tsiteeritud statistika järgi puudutavad romantilises suhtes paarid pead oluliselt rohkem kui mitte-romantilises suhtes paarid. Njah, eks see aimekirjandus ole üks kaudsete tsiteerimiste võrgustik. Akadeemilises kirjanduses tsiteeritakse teisi igasuguse valehäbita.
Ootasin midagi enamat. Kui seda poleks eesti keeles igas kohalikus raamatukogus olemas olnud, oleksin kulutanud 20 eurot ja tellinud selle RVLi kaudu (mis nüüd tundub ülearusena). Olgu see mulle järjekordseks hoiatuseks, et autorid kes asetavad monograafia kaanele nime järele "PhD" teevad seda tuntavast vajadusest ennast valideerida. Tähendab, sel enese-õigustamisel on põhjus. Kui Navarro saab veel, nagu Bachmann, natukene respekti selle eest, et on ise ka akadeemiliselt midagi panustanud, siis Givens on selles suhtes veel küsimärgi all. Terve teos näib olevat uurimistööde tõlgendus. Mitte, et see oleks halb. Mehrabian, kelle peale ma ned 20 eurot lõpuks kulutasin, teeb täpselt sama. Erinevus seisneb aga selles, et kus Mehrabian uurib implitsiitset suhtlemist ja UURIB asja, siis Givensi raamat on pigem krestomaatiline - kasulik teada, kuid muidu suhteliselt kasutu. Desmond Morrise 12-sammuline mudel üllatas, sest näis pidavat paika. Givensi 5-sammuline on lihtsalt liiga obvious (isegi shock value jäi vajaka). Ja liiga palju juttu oli spetsiifilistest toodetest (kindlate subkultuuride poolt kantud jalanõud) ja riietumisest üldisemalt. Kokkuvõttes ongi see raamat "üldine". Kerge lugeda ja hariv, kuid pinnapealne ja püändita. Kahtlemata loen korra uuesti, kuid kolmandat ja neljandat korda oleks teda juba mõttetu lugeda.

Intimate Behaviour

Morris, Desmond 1973. Intimate Behaviour. Bantam Books of Canada Ltd.

Kohe pärast Paljast Ahvi mõjus suur osa sellest repetiivsena. Õnneks mitte teadvustamatult - autor on harilikult märkinud, mida ta väitis Paljas Ahvis ja seejärel täiendab spetsiifilisema sisuga. Esimesel lugemisel häirisid mind eestikeelse tõlke iseärasused, mida inglise keeles on raske ettegi kujutada. Ja tähelepanekud toodete kohta, mis raamatu kirjutamise ajal olid uued ja nüüdseks on ammugi iganenud, ei olnud enam pinnuks silmas. Pigem keskendusin seekord spetsiifilistele ülestähendustele, mis laiendaksid teadmisi intiimkäitumisest. Argumentatiivsus, mis Palja Ahvi puhul oli meeldiv, kisub käesolevas teoses pisut käest ära. Näiteks loomkatsete teemal eksleb ta rajalt päris pikalt kõrvale, et tuua välja palju olulisi punkte mõlemast leerist ja... ei mäletagi, millega seoses ta sellest kõneles.
Eestikeelset tõlget lugedes torkasid ajastu-võrdlused silma. Seekord hoopis see, et Morris lõpetab raamatu müütide ümber lükkamisega. Näiteks ümberlõikuste teema tundus seekord asjakohane, sest meenusid Penn and Tellers Bullshit saatest nähtu ümberlõikamise kohta. Masturbeerimise osa - nii väga tahaks, et äärmuslastest kristlased seda loeksid ja lõpetaksid "puhtuse ülistamise". Mõlemad Morrise raamatud mida olen lugenud, lõpevad hoiatuse või sügava pointiga. Paljas Ahv sai lõpetatud ülerahvastatusega. Intiimkäitumine lõpeb "tagasipõõrdumisega intiimsusesse".
Kokkuvõttes on mõlemad teosed head ja harivad, kuid akadeemiliselt kaheldava väärtusega. Aimekirjandusena on Morris pigem tõesti öökapikirjandus millega meelt lõbustada.

The Naked Ape

Morris, Desmond 1969. The Naked Ape. Dell Publishing Co., Inc.

"Paljas ahv" üllatas. Ootasin labasemat sorti kehakeeleõpikut. Sain zooloogi kirjelduse inimesest ja tema käitumisest. Paljud tähelepanekud on kehakeeleõpikutele olnud tõepoolest väga mõjukad, sest D. Morrise tähelepanekud šimpansite ja inimeste sarnasustest/erinevustest olid omal ajal ilmselt väga uudsed. Raamatu ülesehitus oli huvitav (Origins, Sex, Rearing, Exploration, Figting, Feeding...) ja lõpetuseks oli Morrisel ja oma üldideeline sõnum: peatselt saabuv ülerahvastatus. Võttis kaua aega, et raamat läbi lugeda, sest iga järgnev peatükk nõudis teatavat kaalutlemist (savor the knowledge). See sisaldas tõepoolest rohkem (minu jaoks) uusi ideid kui olin oodanud. Erinevalt mõnest teisest kirjutajast kes kuhjab tähelepanekuid üksteise otsa, vaevub Morris oma seisukohti põhjalikult argumenteerima. Kuigi ta väldib akadeemilist (autoriteetidele) viitamist, jätab raamat üpris tõsiseltvõetava ja asjaliku mulje. See on peaaegu, et õpikulik. Mulle meeldis. Paar kasutatavat katkendit ka:

Much of what we do as adults is based on this imitative absorption during our childhood years. Frequently we imagine that we are behaving in a particular way because such behaviour accords with some abstract, lofty code of moral principles, when in reality all we are ding is obeying a deeply ingrained and long 'forgotten' set of purely imitative impressions (along with out carefully concealed instinctive urges) that makes it so hard for societies to change their customs and their 'beliefs'. Even when faced with exciting, brilliantly rational new ideas, based on the application of pure, objective intelligence, the community will still cling to its old home-based habits and prejudices. This is the cross we have to bear if we are going to sail through our vital juvenile 'blotting-paper' phase of rapidly mopping up the accumulated experiences of previous generations. We are forced to take the biased opinions along with the valuable facts. (Morris 1969: 104)

In discussing all these aggressive and submissive behaviour patterns, it has been assumed that the individuals concerned have been 'telling the truth' and have not been consciously and deliberately modifying their actions to achieve special ends. We 'lie' more with our words than our other communicative signals, but even so the pheneomenon cannot be overlooked entirely. It is extremely difficult to 'utter' untruths with the kind of behaviour patterns we have been discussing, but not impossible. As I have already mentioned, when parents adopt this procedure towards their young children, it usually falls much more drastically than they realize. Between adults, however, who are much preoccupied with the verbalized information content of the social interactions, it can be more successful. Unfortunately for the behaviour-liar, he typically lies only with certain selected elements of his total signalling system. Other, which he is not aware of, give the game away. The most successful behaviour-liars are those who, instead of consciously concentrating on modifying specific signals, think themselves into the basic mood they wish to convey and then let the small details take care of themselves. This method is frequently used with great success by professional liars, such as actors and actresses. Their entire working lives are spent performing behavioural lies, a process which can sometimes be extremely damaging to their private lives. Politicians and diplomats are also required to perform an undue amount of behavioural lying, but unlike the actors they are not socially 'licensed to lie', and the resultant guilt feelings tend to interfere with their performances. Also, unlike the actors, they do not undergo prolonged training courses. (Morris 1969: 140)

Navarro Kehakeelest

Joe Navarro koos Marvin Karlinsiga - Kehakeelest : kehakeele kiirlugemise kursus endise FBI agendi sulest. Varrak 2010

Inglise keeles lugesin seda täpselt aasta aega tagasi. Siis meeldis ka. Navarro esitab kehakeelt aimekirjanduslikus formaadis, kuid oluliselt paremini kui Pease seda teeb. Ehk on asi lihtsalt selles, et Navarro kirjutas 2007. aasta, mitte 80ndatel? Eitea. Nüüdseks on kogemus olemas, et isegi viiekümnendatel kirjutati teemast asjalikumalt kui Pease seda teeb (mulle ikka meeldib teda nöökida).
Eesti keeles oli seda raskem lugeda. Tähendab, esimene lugemine venis mitme päeva peale, sest iga lehekülg tõi mälus esile nüansse, mis ausalt öeldes olid aastaga kuskile (aju plastilisuse tõttu) ära kadunud. Pärast lõpetamist olin aga rahul, sest Navarro käsitlus on momendil saadavalolevatest tõepoolest kõige lihtsam ja tõsiseltvõetavamaid. Läksin kohe teisele ringile ja see oli kõigest mõnetunnine raund. Kui seda eest ära ei laenutata, loeksin kuu lõpus kordamiseks veel kord kiiresti üle.
Sain ka häid viiteid, mida proovin edaspidi jälitada. Muud pole tarviski öelda. Jätan siia tema käsitluse kümme käsku:

1. Ole ümbritseva keskkonna kompetentne vaatleja.
2. Kehakeele mõistmise võti on vaatluse kontekstis.
3. Õppige tundma ja dekodeerima kehakeele universaalseid sõnumeid.
4. Õppige tundma ja dekodeerima kehakeele idiosünkraatilisi sõnumeid.
5. Suheldes püüdke kindlaks määrata oma partnerite põhilisi käitumisviise.
6. Püüdke alati jälgida kehakeele korduvaid signaale - nii neid, msi avalduvad korduvalt kui neid, mis ilmnevad seeriate või klastritena.
7. Tähtis on otsida käitumises muutusi, mis võiksid märku anda mõtete, tunnete, huvi või kavatsuste muutumisest.
8. Oluline on õppida tundma ka kehakeele eksitavaid või valeteateid.
9. Teadmine, kuidas teha vahet end kindlalt ja ebakindlalt tundva inimese vahel aitab teil keskenduda kehakeele lahtimõtestamise kõige olulisemale.
10. Jälgi märkamatut.

Nonverbal means

Tenjes, Silvi 2001. Nonverbal means as regulators in communication: sociocultural perspectives. Tartu: Tartu University Press

AT FIRST I WAS LIKE
Vau! Kümme aastat tagasi kirjutas keegi Tartu Ülikooli lingvistika õppetoolil mitteverbaalsest suhtlemisest doktoritöö mille pealkiri annab aimu mitteverbaalse suhtlemise rakendamisest suhtlemise reguleerimisel ja selles on viidatud nii Rueschi ja Keesi raamatule millega ma just lõpetasin ja Birdwhistelli raamatule mille lugemiseks ma kulutasin oma raha. Ja seda oponeerisid Ameeriklane Kendon ja kultuurisemiootika professor Peeter Torop!

m i l l i n e e m a a r m a s t a v s u u r e j o o n e l i s u s !

BUT THEN I WAS LIKE
See raamat koosneb artiklitest ja paljud tähelepanekud korduvad läbi raamatu kuniks sõnastus on kulunud pähe. Ja Birdwhistelli ega Rueschiga ei tee ta muud midagi kui mainib neid. Kui mul oleks võimalus lugeda Mehrabiani (mida ma ausalt ei tea kust saadagi), tuleks sealt sellist sotsiokultuurilist perspektiivi, et maa oleks must... Tenjes aga ei tee midagi muud kui võtab kokku teiste uurimustööd, selgitab põhjalikult McNeilli ja Kendoni žestiteooriaid ja analüüsib nendega kohalikku materjali.

Olen pettunud, sest juhtus midagi mida ma ei arvanud, et juhtub. Aimekirjanduslikud kehakeeleraamatud on iseenesestmõistetavalt ümber vormistatud kordused sellest, mida keegi teine ja kolmas on juba ise ümber vormistanud tõsistest akadeemilistest töödest. Olen pettunud, sest esmakordselt kohtan sama nähtust akadeemilise töö puhul. Olen pettunud, sest olen seda raamatut korra juba lugenud, lihtsalt teise isiku sulest ja selle erinevusega, et empiiriliseks materjaliks oli The Big Brother House reality-saade, mitte dokumentaalfilmid stagnategelastest.
Kord pärast loengut mainisin McNeilli teooriat Randviirule ja tema vastus oli "no seda ei ole küll väga raske teha". Nüüd mõistan miks. Randviiru käsitlus Peirce'i semiootikast on mindboggling, complicated as shit, mitte poolpõhjalik ülekanne. Kui "Visible Thought" puhul omandas "experimental psychologist" repetiivsuse tõttu halvustava tähenduse, saab Tenjes samaväärse sildi: "experimental linguist". Õpetas nii palju, et artiklite formaat ei pruugi olla doktoritöö jaoks väga hea.

Võib öelda ka mõne hea sõna. Mitteverbaalse suhtlemise uurimise ajalugu on Tenje poolt kokku võetud põhjalikumalt kui ma seni olen üldse kohanud (mainis isegi Charles Belli!). Kasutatud kirjanduse hulgas on kahtlemata kasulikke viiteid, mida tuleks üle vaadata kui ma oma uurimisega tõsisemale rajale satun. Ja tegelikult ei saa ma viriseda selle üle, kuidas lingvist sellele teemale läheneb. Hea on, et üldse lähenes. Jah, OLEKS saanud paremini (nt Lotmanilt võttis ta ainult ühe lause mis puudutas heterogeensust ja kasutas seda kokku kaks korda), kuid ilmselgelt oli tema eesmärgiks žestide uurimine, mitte kogu valdkonna surumine kahesaja lehekülje vahele (rohkem nagu minu unistus). Kes teab, võib olla kunagi isegi loeksin üle (50/50 chance).

• Gestures play an important role in maintaining and supporting conversation as a social system. Interactive gestures help to involve the listener and to regulare conversation. Gestures receive the attention of the listener and thereby become components of conceptual understanding. Gestures are functionally adapted to the requirements of understanding in human communication. lk 7
• Christianity, the central ideology of the Middle Ages, changed the world view and attitudes of people, including the attitudes to gestures. Gestures had to fit new social and religious models. Gestures expressed the moral values, feelings, the 'inner motions of the soul' of a human being. The symbolical values of the Word changed the balance between speech and gestures. The social conditions of public communication were changing as well. lk 10
• One of the main functions of a speaker's gesutre is to help convey meaning to the addressee in an immediate conversational context. Both the addressee and the moment-by-moment context in which the gesture occurs are important. A gesture can simultaneously have more than one function (Tenjes 1996: 190). Bavelas and her associates thus proposed a new distinction for conversational gestures: most function as topic gestures, which refer directly to the topic of the conversation; some function as interactive gestures, which refer instead to the addressee (Bavelas, Chovil, Coates, Roe, in press). Conversational gestures are part of speech, in two senses:
  (1) they contribute to meaning just as words and phrases do;
  (2) their meaning depends upon the whole of which tehy are a part of (Bavelas, in press).
  An interpretation of gestures as interactive or topical in function depends on the interpretation of the meaning of the gesture at the particular moment it occurred. In other words, we must "translate" or explicate the gesture's meaning. This means taking into account both its physical encoding and what it seemed to be conveying in conjunction with the accompanying words, intonation, and facial displays at that precise moment. Conversational gestures are spontaneous and transient. lk 10-11
• Kõneldes me sageli osutame ja viitame, nii on keele referentsiaalne funktsioon üks olulisemaid. Kuid keelel on teisigi funktsioone. Kuigi neid funktsioone tuuakse vähem sile keele üle peetavates diskussioonides, on nad samavõrd olulised, sest nad arvestavad meie võimete läbitöötamisega kõnelemiseks, enne kui me kasutame keelt. A. Kendom peab siin silmas kõnelise kommunikatsiooni faatilist funktsiooni (Kendon 1991: 8) - viis, kuidas häälduslikkust muudetakse, kui me arvestame üksteisega. Küllap on kõigil mõnikord ette tulnud vajadus teha pööre vestluse käigus - mitte seoses sellega, millest parasjagu räägiti, vaid koosolu pärast, jagatuse pärast. A. Kendon väidab, et keele päritolu küsimuses tuleb sellele probleemile rohkem tähelepanu pöörata. Kõne kui selline võib olla läbi töötatud häälelisuse kasutamise arendamise käigus faatiliste funktsioonide jaoks. lk 19 [91. Kõne faatiline funktsioon]

Nonverbal Communication

Ruesch, Jurgen & Kees, Weldon 1956. Nonverbal Communication: Notes on the visual perception of human relations. University of California Press : Berkley and Los Angeles

Üsna vana (momendil 55a) ja kummalise väljanägemisega raamat. Raamatu mõõtude tõttu oli teda mõneti ebamugav lugeda kuniks harjumus end sisse seadis. Augustikuine kehakeele-maraton on selle teosega avatud. Mineval augustikuul õnnestus mul läbi lugeda 15 selleteemalist raamatut, tänavu püüdlen rohkema poole. Olukord on pinev, sest möödunud aastal tegin alustust populaarsete kehakeeleõpikutega, mis nüüdseks on mulle kasutud, sest kirjeldavad intuitiivset kehakeelt. Tänavu on valik parem, olgugi, et sisse lipsavad kindlasti ka mõned aimeteaduslikud raamatud. Olukorda ei kergenda ka see, et head-keerulised raamatud pidevalt juhivad lugemisisu mujale. Näiteks käesoleva teose biobliograafiast leidsin, et Norber Wiener, küberneetika isa, on kirjutanud teose mille pealkiri isegi eesti keeles (tõlge 1961) kõlab kutsuvalt: "Küberneetika ehk Juhtimine ja side loomas ning masinas". Nii palju siis lugemistaustast.
Raamatu autorite kohta tean nii palju, et Ruesch oli psühhiaater kes võttis väga semiootilise suuna (bibliograafias oli kohustusliku elemendina ka Morrise "Sign, Language, and Behavior" mille ainus TÜRi koopia on endiselt välja laenutatud) ja kelle 1972. aasta tööd "Semiotic Approaches to Human Relations" kasutas Randviir oma doktoritöös. Tema esimene raamat, avaldatud mõned aastad enne käesolevat, on kirjutatud kahasse Gregory Batesoniga. Keesi kohta saab öelda vähem. Ta oli luuletaja. Mõned arvustused üritavad seda fakti peita ja ütlevad tema kohta lihtsalt "kirjutaja".
Üldiselt võib raamatut kirjeldada... "üldisena". See sõna sobib hästi. Autorid võtsid ette päris suure ampsu kirjeldada mitteverbaalset suhtlemist üldiselt ja lõpetuseks koostasid nad tüpoloogia kolmest keelest: märgikeel (sign language), tegevuskeel (action language) ja objektikeel (object language). Peale selle tüpoloogia oli raamatut läbivaks teemaks eristus analoogse ja digitaalse kommunikatsiooni vahel, mis on äärmiselt sarnane TMK mõistetele diskreetsest ja kontinuaalsetest märgisüsteemidest. Sarnasusi nende käsitluste vahel võiks isegi analüüsida (hint hint).
"Üldine" kirjeldab raamatu sisu hästi, set paljud lõigud võiksid tänapäeval taolisest raamatust lihtsalt välja jääda. Raamatu alguses kirjeldatakse erinevate rahvuste käitumismüüte (žestikuleerimiserinevused ameeriklaste, sakslaste, prantslaste, itaallaste ja juutide vahel), siis tutvustatakse suure õhinaga fotograafiat ja nimetatakse hulk erinevaid fotoaparaate. Ja "tänapäeva piktogrammide" näitlikustamiseks on terve lehekülg pühendatud ajast ja arust (õigemini ajaloolisele) mudelile sellisest tehnoloogilisest imesaavutusest nagu seda on automobiil. Viiekümnendad olid selle raamatu järgi kummalised ajad. Hoolimata rohketel fotodel kujutatud ameerika 50ndate idüllilistest nähtustest sisaldab raamat rohkesti väärtuslikke tähelepanekuid, mis kutsuvad seda tulevikus üle lugema. Möödaminnes meeldis ka see, et kohtasin 52. leheküljel sellist lauset: "Movement may be along horizontal or vertical lines, or may occur in frontal or saggital planes vis-á-vis the observer." Mis on minu jaoks erutav, sest alles mõned päevad tagasi õppisin ma kinesioloogia kaudu selgeks sellise väljendi nagu "saggital plane".
Üllataval kombel pakub see raamat tsitaate, mis on kasulikud mitte kauges tulevikus, vaid juba praegu olemasolevas uurimuses - kuidas ideoloogiat väljendatakse ja taastoodetakse mitteverbaalselt. Usutlen, et järgnevatest ümbertrükkidest saan mitmeid ideid järgnevate raamatutega laiendada.

• Cybernetic engineers and biologists have dealt with the communication networks and feedback patterns; psychiatrists, cultural anthropologists, and social workers have studies problems of social action and interpersonal and group relations.
  The trend of a number of these approaches has been toward an essential concern with nonverbal forms of communication and with the verbal form largely in its pragmatic aspects. Such a reaction against the overevaluation of the spoken and printed word, and against both commercialism and the relative exclusion of nonverbal elements, can in one sense be interpreted as a move toward safety. In a time of political and ideological crisis, there exists a tendency to censor words in the naive belief that thought can be brought under absolute control. Although books can be burned, the use of certain words legally outlawed, and even the act of listening to particular broadcasts of speeches marked as a criminal offense, communication through silent action is more difficult to suppress. It has been widely noted how, under authoritarian regimes, human beings turn more and more toward the perception of the nonverbal, the evaluation of nonverbally codified things, and expression through gesture and action. lk 5
• The requirement that a sign be interpersonal in order to qualify as a language, however, is not icompatible with individual variations of interpretation. Variations in understanding are not necessarily due to a failure of the signifying function of a sign but to the fact that ideas remain unexpressed. In daily life human beings are rarely able to do more than to hint at what they desire to express, inasmuch as the very nature of their needs often forces them to exchange messages without delay in time. Thus it is left to the receiver to fill in unexpressed details. But whereas discrepancies in interpretation of detail are permissible as long as signs remain interpersonal, they cease to qualify as language symbols if their significance is known to only one person. lk 8
• Nonverbal communication obviously utilizes analogic codification devices. Thus various kinds of actions, pictures, or material objects represent analogic types of denotation.
  In terms of codification, "digital" contrasts with "analogic"; in language terms, "discursive" contrasts with "nondiscursive." lk 8-9
• Agreement should not be confused, however, with understanding. People shaking hands, for example, are responding to each other and carrying out complementary actions, although internally they may disagree on the significance or sincerity of this action. lk 9
• Within the framework of modern communication theory, communicative actions are conceived of as events that occur in a certain context. The perception and evaluation of signals, both spatial and temporal, cannot be separated from the perception and evaluation of the situation in which they occur. A present-day study of communication, therefore, does not aim at compiling a dictionary of gestures or other motions, but instead emphasizes all possible information about the physical and social settings in which the exchange of messages takes place. In addition to considering symbolic movements and gestures and practical, adaptive actions with communicative value, such a study must take into account all those objects with which human being surround themselves and which affect social interaction. lk 13
• Although the systematized action languages are based on prior verbal agreement and merely substitute for human speech, there are other forms of action that serve as codification and that exist quite independently of words. Darwin (33) postulated that certain emotional states are associated with reflexlike motions - for example, rage with gritting teeth, of fright with recoiling. His theory - that many of the expressive movements observed in men constitute residuals of lower levels in phylogenetic development - may or may not be correct. The important issue is that, for purposes of communication, people make the assumption that feelings are linked with certain expressive movements and that these movements escape voluntary control. In criminal investigations and in court, this notion is exploited in goading suspects to betray their "real" emotions. lk 36
• All expressions of an individual, when perceived by another person, must be interpreted if they are to be understood. Except for the lack of attribution of intention to statements that are regarded as personal or emotional expressions, this process of interpretation in no way differs from that used with consciously formulated messages. Thus, in the process of daily living, emotional expression, ordinary adaptive actions, and gestures are treated in somewhat the same manner. In all three, the identification of the context of a statement comes first (128). Our language has words for these contexts, and such nouns as "breakfast," "wedding," "coctail party," "shopping," and "waiting" designate the occasions. After the discovery of an appropriate label for a particular situation, the attempt is made to fit the observed statement to the situation as well as to what is known about the individuals concerned. In pursuit of this aim, the identification of roles, including one's own, is necessary. Since the eye is a much faster scanning organ than the ear, and because action is frequently silent, a large part of such initial assessment is carried out visually; if such evaluation were not possible, we would be at a considerable loss in interpreting appropriately, as is evident from the limited and often confusing kind of impressions received in conversations over the telephone.
  Photography is capable of recording most of the emotional and action expressions of an individual, although not necessarily in the sense of the nineteenth-century investigators of the human behavior. In their accounts of expressive behavior, such pioneers as Wundt (169) and Darwin (33) used sketches and still photographs to illustrate body posture, gesture, and facial expression, but failed altogether to take into account such considerations as those of social context and the role and position of the human observer. It is well to keep in mind that any kind of observation of behavior - with the exception of behavior observed through one-way screens - occurs in two-person or group situations. The very fact of being observed changes, through feedback, the actions and emotions of the observed individual; actions formely intended for self-consumption then become a statement to others. lk 46
• Each individual, through the gestures he chooses to make and the way in which he makes them, adds an idiosyncratic note that may have particular communicative significance only to close acquaintances. lk 76
• In social intercourse, the person who can derive useful information from apparent contradictions - resulting from a comparison of the various means of codification - has the advantage over others. The person who manages apparent contradictions by disregarding part of the message - those statements that are codified in different terms - loses much information, is likely to misinterpret the message, and is generally less capable of successful communication. lk 86
• In the course of living, new social relations are established and old ones dissolved. Thus, mutually agreed upon approaches and separations occur without imposing undue stress upon the participants. Sometimes, however, agreement cannot be reached. Even though mutual understanding may exist, partisan interests, satisfaction of bodily needs, or matters involving personal security bring about clashes that are frustrating to all concerned. Hence, it is inevitable that people who live together are bound to interfere with one another, but it must be understood that not every interpersonal conflict is the result of psychopathology on the part of the participants. Only when a conflict is perpetuated for its own sake, and when mutual interference has become a goal in itself, do social conflicts become abnormal. Perpetual or repeated conflicts between the same individuals are sometimes even provoked to ease unbearable internal tension. But, more often than not, social conflict increases anxiety.
  An entire series of visual or auditory cues betrays the presence of social conflict to an observer. Among the most common of these cues are those indicating such disturbances of emotions as anger, fear, anxiety, shame, guilt, and depression; all these are the result of either internal psychological conflicts or interference by other people. Regardless of the cause, the manifestations of the alarm in themselves can be communicated to other people, and may become the source of social conflict. Indeed, no normal individual is eager for the company of depressed or anxious persons if he can possibly avoid it. Thus the nonverbal signs of alarm are the foremost cues telling others to be on the guard, to apply a different yardstick to the interpretation of messages, or to undertake the necessary steps to change the situation.
  The presence of conflict is, however, not detected exclusively by means of cues indicating people's alarm. Stress is often diagnosed, not by the presence, but by the absence of certain cues that, if they were present, would tend to reassure people. For example, we all expect certain such emotional reactions as signs of grief on the occasion of the loss of a loved one, signs of anger after an insult, an expression of pain following an injury. If these expected reactions are not forthcoming, we are more alarmed than we would be if they were present. An angry man who is trying to pick a fight is likely to become more infuriated if his opponent remains cool and dispassionate. Similarly, icy silence in a group situation is more indicative of stress than a smooth flow of conversation. The absence of a handshake where it might normally be expected is more suggestive of hostility than even a painful poke in the ribs. The awareness of the absence of cues presupposes a familiarity with a particular situation and other similar situations. A friend can detect whether or not a couple has just been quarreling; a mother can tell whether a tussle between children is friendly or hostile; an employee is able to sense whether an employer's seeming praise is actually to be taken as an insult.
  The detection of conflict and stress is thus based upon the observation of a multitude of cues. The perception of actual signs of alarm, their comparison to expected signs of alarm, the impact of the alarm upon bystanders, and the feedback of this reaction to those who were alarmed in the first place - all are functions that can be perceived by an observer and that may contribute to his evaluation of the situation. The longer he observes the events, the more accurate his assessment is likely to be. But it is not always possible for people to wait until they have fully grasped what is happening. On many occasions a quick assessment and an on-the spot decision is necessary; therefore the question presents itself as to whether visual cues exist that can inform an onlooker quickly about the presence of stress or social conflict or the existence of emergencies. In answer to this question, we might point to the fact that in the animal world all creatures seem to recognize sounds and movements that indicate the presence of danger. These are obviously related to the perception of cues that are unusual and that differ from the cues indicating safety or "business as usual", as well as to the perception of stimuli that are extremely intense and those that are known to signify danger. The same applies to human beings. The cues that warn of known danger imply the knowledge of the mechanical tasks of daily life, of weapons, and of other dangers, and the ability to distinguish friends and enemies. Those situations that contain strange and unusual stimuli - particularly those that exceed the tolerance limit of the organism - are of relevance here. lk 163-164
• The symptoms under observation in psychopathology reveal themselves as disturbances of perception, evaluation, or expression. Since signals must be decoded in some way, it is obvious that such disturbances must involve an individual's internal codification, which are generally referred to as thinking and feeling, as well as his external codifications, the language used to communicate with others.
  In the course of the development of language, the earliest forms of codification involve the human body as a means of denotation, a phenomenon that makes it possible for parents to understand in part what is happening within the child. For example, the child shows, through an erhytema on his skin, where he itches. That such a statement is perhaps uninentional is not important, since it is language in the sense that it is understandable to both mother and child. At a later period of development, when the child is learning to move, such body language is supplemented by action language. In the initial stages of its development, the child makes use of both organ and action language. In organ language, the smooth muscles obviously predominate; in action language, the striped muscles. As the child develops further, the external concomitants of earlier internal codifications recede. Inner events are less and less expressed through bodily manifestations of the intestinal, respiratory, and vascular systems, or through the skin and the smooth muscles, but more and more through physical and social action. Finally, when symbolic mastery has been achieved, verbal, gestural, and other more arbitrary forms of denotation replaced some of the previous employed actions. lk 165
• Nonverbal language is frequently used to effect social control. In interpersonal situations, many ideas, concepts, and things must be stated in ways that will not be considered obtrusive or offensive. Among such considerations is the definition of boundaries. Marks of ownership, expressed by means of objects, may be found near entrances, at gateways and doors, identifying owners or residents of a certain property and indicating how they may be reached. Such marks are particularly suitable for denoting statements to whom it may concern. Objects stand permanently in one place and can be seen at any time impose prohibitions through their impact. Some objects are addressed to particular people; appealing interpersonally, they may invite, seduce, or repel, or demand to be looket at, touched, or tried out. We all consciously look for nonverbal clues in buildings, landscapes, and interiors, for we know that these clues have something to say about the status, prestige, taste, and other values of those who own them. Such an awareness is used by architects, decorators, and owners to set the scene for social encounters. lk 191
• The relationship between verbal and nonverbal codifications can be conceptualized best through the notion of metacommunication. Any message may be regarded as having two aspects: the statement proper, and the explanations pertaining to its interpretation. The nature of interpersonal communication necessitates that these coincide in time, and this can be achieved only through the use of another channel. The effect is similar to an arrangement of a musical composition for two instruments, where the voices in one sense move independently and in another change and supplement each other but nonetheless are integrated into an organic and functional unity.
  Combinations of the verbal and the nonverbal may be employed not only to enlighten but also to obscure the issues involved. In politics, business, advertising - indeed in every walk of life - words may be used to conceal forthcoming actions, and contradictiory expressions are consciously used to create confusion, since human communication almost always involves object, action, and word. If all the symbolic expressions of an individual refer to the same event, then the referential aspects of the statements are clear. But when action codifications contradict verbal codifications, then confusion is almost certain to result. For example, when a mother repeatedly claims, "Darling, you're sweet," simultaneously pinching her child to the extent of producing black and blue marks, the child has to learn to disregard either the action or the verbal statement in order to avoid confusion. lk 192-193
• When verbal and digital symbols are not repeatedly checked against the things they purport to stand for, distortions of signification may develop that nonverbal languages seldom bring about. Since in everyday communication these shortcomings of verbal language are difficult to avoid, people often intuitively resort to the use of nonverbal, analogic language, which is more closely tied to actual events. But this is not enough. If human beings are to protect themselves against the onslaught of modern communications machinery and the distortions of propaganda, they must ultimately learn once again the use words scrupulously and with a sense of integrity. Only by a renewal of emphasis on the individual, with all his personal and unique characteristics - and this involves to a great extent the nonverbal - can a sense of proportion and dignity be restored to human relations. lk 193