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Some Fundamental Concepts

Winner, Thomas G. 1979. Some Fundamental Concepts Leading to a Semiotics of Culture: An Historical Overview. Semiotica 27(1-3): 75-82.

While Peirce named many non-linguistic sign systems in his meticulous and path-breaking taxonomical and logical studies, the question of how different sign systems interrelate was hardly touched upon by that great 'backwoodsman' in the theory of signs. (Winner 1979: 75)
I wish there was something more specific about this. Some day I will have to undertake a reading of Peirce with an eye towards these many non-linguistic sign systems that he supposedly named.
I shall try to show that the Prague contribution lay essentially in three areas: (1) the position that sign systems are not totally immanent, and that they are in complex ways interrelated; (2) the view of function and of the polyfunctional nature of human activity; and (3) the view of the existence of sign systems other than natural language which form a complex system of systems of semiotic codes of all kinds: the various arts, codes of dress, various ethnographic information systems, etc., all of which were seen to co-exist in a vast and complex system of systems. (Winner 1979: 75-76)
It sounds a bit like he's reading the Prague contributions in light of TMS.
And in 1928, Jakobson and Tynjanov had posited the strong social function of poetry and oral art, and their relative dependence upon cultural norms. (Winner 1979: 76)
Is that what they did in their "Theses"?
In the joint statement, Jakobson and Tynjanov challenged, for the first time, the isolation of the work of art and replaced the concept of immanence with that of autonomy. The work of art is seen as autonomous, because it is organized according to its own laws of structuration, and evolves according to these. Yet, although not reducible to other phenomena, such as society, or the author's or reader's psyche, it is not totally immanent, but exists in rather complex relations to other structures which need to be taken into account, especially when examining the evolution of artistic forms (Jakobson and Tynjanov 1928:37). (Winner 1979: 76)
I wish someone would explain the bothe theses, J & T 1928 and Lotman et al. 1973 with such clarity.
Mukarovsky's view of complexly interrelated structures forming higher systems, which he calls a "system of system", significantly anticipates the contemporary position that culture may be understood as a complex semiotic system of information, which is advanced by the Tartu-Moscow scholars and others. As Mukarovsky wrote in 1946-7:
... Structuralism which more than any other scientific orientation is aimed at the totality of phenomena - since structure itself is by definition a totality - had to touch, during its evolution, increasingly on problems lying outside the structure of the work of art: as soon as a certain view was obtained about the composition of the artistic structure and its movement, structures of a higher order began to become outlined behind this, structures of which the structure of a given art is only an element. It becomes clear that if we want to understand the evolution of a certain branch of the arts, we must examine that art and its problematics in connection with the other arts ... . Furthermore, art is one of the branches of culture, and culture as a whole, in turn, forms a structure, the individual elements of which (for example art, science, politics) are in mutual, complex and historically changeable relations to each other. However, the structure of a culture as a whole is again not an isolated phenomenon, for the basic source of its dynamics is the movement of society ... (1946-47:50).
Thus the Prague School's view of the interdependence of systems never went so far as to threaten the autonomy of art as specified in the aesthetic function. Rather, the Prague scholars posited a relation between structures in culture, all of which have their autonomous evolution, and none of which is a priori superior to any other one (cf. Mukarovsky 1948b:349). (Winner 1979: 78)
Mukarovsky was simply brilliant (or just happened to work in a fruitful intellectual climate). In any case I feel that I have to read more from Mukarovsky. // The quote comes from Mukarovsky's 1946-47. "Problemy individua v uměni". University Lecture. Printed from manuscript in 1977. Cestami poetiky a estetiky. Praha: Čsl. Spisovatel, 49-84.
The semiotics of art was suggested by Jakobson in his trenchant essay on the semiotic character of film (1933), the effects of which remain an important influence on the work of Metz, and others, on the filmic code. (Winner 1979: 79)
Huh. I was not aware that his paper on the crisis in cinema suggested a semiotics of art. It does make sense, though, and I should probably re-read his paper with this in mind.
The early semiotic aesthetics of the Prague group was also informed by Saussure's insight into the theory of signs, but Peirce's fundamental semiotic studies were not known to the members of this group. (Winner 1979: 79)
Wrong. At least Mukarovsky was aware of (and mentioned) Peirce in 1934. I have my suspicions that Charles Morris had a role in this, as he travelled through Europe during his sabbatical in 1934.
All these quotations, which are still agitating semiotic discussions today, were raised in Mukarovsky's seminal lecture at the Philosophical Congress in Prague, thought its importance is frequently overlooked. (Winner 1979: 79)
I wouldn't surprised if this is also where Morris, Carnap and others congregated. The full name of this event seems to be The 8th International Congress of Philosophy in Prague, 1934. A whole 35 years later, in 1969, someone published the proceedings of this event. According to Wikipedia, the event could also be named "World Conference of Philosophy". I perused through indexes of issues of The Journal of Philosophy from 1934 and found Ernest Nagel's repert of "The Eight International Congress of Philosophy" in Vol. 31, No. 22 (Oct. 25, 1934), pp. 589-601.
In his work on folk costume, Bogatyrev utulizes the concept of function, of the teleological character of all communication, which was developed by the Prague Linguistic Circle first for natural language and then extended to other systems, in his examination of functioning of clothing, which is seen as operating as signs linking the wearer with certain social groupings or certain specific attitudes (1971:93). (Winner 1979: 80)
In short, clothing is expressive, or in some cases even emotive.
Finally, the costume has a very specific function, that of markedness as 'our costume', a function called by Bogatyrev "the function of the structure of functions" (1971:96), which - just as the function 'our language', 'our village' - is opposed to 'the others'' costume function. Here Bogatyrev comes closer than any other scholar of the Prague group to the contemporary theories of semiotics of culture, especially to the opposition of the inner vs. the outer view of culture, especially to the opposition of culture vs. non-culture, or 'our' vs. 'not our', which is parallel to the opposition organization vs. chaos posited by the Theses of the Moscow-Tartu scholars in 1973 (paragraphs 1.1.1, 1.2.1, 1.2.2.). (Winner 1979: 80)
Oh wow. The wording is almost like Bourdieu's "structuring structures". It seems that clothing has a bunch of different functions and if this bunch of functions is viewed as a unitary structure then it functions on another level as a marker of belonging (to a specific group, for example). This is just another phenomenological doubling. This one reaches something that can be termed "metafunction".

The Semiotics of Cultural Texts

Winner, Irene Portis and Thomas G. Winner 1976. The Semiotics of Cultural Texts. Semiotica 18(2): 101-156.

[...] one of the most important of which is entitled Structures of Texts and Semiotics of Culture, edited by Jan van der Eng and Mojmir Grygar (1973). This work, composed of various articles assembled at the occasion of the Seventh International Congress of Slavists, opens with the "Theses on the Semiotic Study of Culture" drawn up by five Russian scholars who have led semiotic studies in that nation dedicating themselves to its pursuit from the most concrete level of specific applications, from verbal and nonverbal behavior (including mythology, folk art, high arts, the cinema, and the most various cultural systems) to the most abstract considerations of theory, methodology and metasystems encompassing theories of signs, texts, and communication in general. (Winner & Winner 1976: 101)
My own work seems to follow, at least at the moment, a little bit different scheme: signs, languages, and communication. Texts are merely a type of com-signs.
The semiotic view of culture assumes the multiplicity, diversity, stratification and interconnection of sign systems which are investigated on various levels from that of technology to social, economic, and expressive behavior to ideologies. Indeed it encompasses all communicative behavior that is cultural (meaningful, shared, organized, and dynamic). Following this approach, the synchronic and diachronic aspects of semiotic systems are viewed to be inseparably related and to be appropriate subjects for investigation. (Winner & Winner 1976: 101-102)
This is also why I think that modelling communication in this day of age should not only pay homage but actively incorporate the multiplicity, diversity, stratification and interconnection of sign systems and even go beyond communicative behaviour that is cultural and include biological/species-specific as well as idiosyncratic/personal. Is that broad enough?
As the collection of primary consideration here illustrates, extremely significant work in semiotics is being carried out in Eastern Europe, principally in the Soviet Union, where the group of scholars concentrated in the University of Tartu and the Institute of Slavic Studies at the Soviet Academy of Sciences in Moscow are collaborating in their studies of the theory and methods of a semiotics of culture. (Winner & Winner 1976: 102)
It feels very exact to say that the Tartu-Moscow School studied the theory and methods of a semiotics of culture, rather than studying culture with the theories and methods of semiotics. This subtle (mis?)interpretation again hints towards semiotics dealing more with meta-issues (metalanguage, metatheory, metaobjects, metatexts, metaanything).
The approach to semiotics of culture by this group leads toward a conjunction of the linguistic and aesthetic theories of the Prague school and the Russian structuralists, the traditional anthropological view of culture as patterned, communicated, learned behavior composing an inherited tradition, and the more recent view of culture as information. (Winner & Winner 1976: 103)
I wish there was more of the first in cultural semiotics, especially when it comes to patterning and learning.
In 1970, Lotman described culture as a "semiotic mechanism for the output (vyrabotka) and storage of information" (1970b:2) and "a historically evolved bundle (pučok) of semiotic systems (languages) which can be composed into a single hierarchy (supralanguage) which can also be a symbiosis of independent systems" (1970b:8). The analogy is to the memory of mankind or of some narrower collective (nation, class, etc.), memory implying the capacity of systems for storage and accumulation of information. Furthermore, the attempt is te prescribe culture 'types' as specific 'languages' (1970b:12). (Winner & Winner 1976: 103)
Now I know what is bundle (or set "kimp") in Russian. A symbiosis of independent systems sounds like syncretism. Prescribing culture types as specific languages is probably a reference to the typological attempts in Kultuuritüpoloogiast (2010[1970]).
In an early statement by Pjatigorskij (1962), a text is defined as a variety of signals composing a delimited and autonomous whole. Such a communication is characterized in three spheres:
(a) In the syntactic sphere it must be spatially (optically acoustically, or in some other fashion) fixed so that it is intuitively felt as distinct from a nontext.
(b) In the pragmatic sphere, its spatial fixation is not accidental, but the necessary means of conscious transmission of communication by its author or other individuals. Thus the text has an inner structure.
(c) In the sphere of semantics a text must be understandable, i.e., it must not contain unsurmountable difficulties hindering its comprehension (Pjatigorskij, 1962:79). (Winner & Winner 1976: 103)
By these merits a nonverbal behaviour becomes a sort of "cultural behaviour", or simply "significant" when: (a) it is distinguishable from insignificant behaviour; (b) it demonstrates intention and some sort of inner structure; and (c) its signification is understandable. This should of course be compared to Morris's original treatment of these dimensions in sign-activity. The reference: Pjatigorskij, A. M. 1962. "Nekotorye obšcie zamecanija otnositel'no rassmotrenija teksta kak raznovidnosti signala" (Some General Remarks Regarding the Concept of the Text as Multiform Signal) Strukturno-tipologiceskie issledovanija. Sbornik statej pod red. T. N. Mološinoj. See Eimermacher, ed. 1971a: 78-88.
Since Lotman held that all cultural semiotic systems were to be seen as secondary modelling systems shaped 'along the lines' ('po tipu') of language (Lotman, 1970a:16) the linguistic concept of texts began to be applied by analogy to all cultural behavior. However, since many nonlinguistic communications seem to depart radically from the structure of language, the unqualified concept of secondary modelling systems has been questioned, modified and altered by the members of the Lotman group [...] (Winner & Winner 1976: 103-104)
I am still not completely sure how exactly I should use the secondary modelling systems theory in relation with nonverbal communication.
Those of a diachronic order include: genetic criteria (2.1.0); types of texts which may represent stages of development (3.2.1); and evolutionary criteria where, for example, more advanced systems are those in which group behavior is regulated by the memory of a real history, as opposed to concepts of cyclical change (6.0.2). (Winner & Winner 1976: 107)
I am still not completely sure how exactly I should use the secondary modelling systems theory in relation with nonverbal communication.
[...] the notion of texts may be interpreted as serving to free semiotics from the dominance of the linguistic model over all others. In this sense the term "text" must cover various subtypes with radically differing structures in spite of certain very general invariants. (Winner & Winner 1976: 108)
For example, can the term cover bodily behaviour?
Texts in general are understood to be particular kinds of messages or groups of messages. But it is not always clear whether, in specific instances in the "Theses", the terms "text" and "message" refer only to verbal communications or whether they also refer to nonverbal communications, and whether they imply only "cultural" texts and messages or also other texts and messages. It would have been preferable if these distinctions had been more clearly made [...] (Winner & Winner 1976: 108)
Texts (Lotman) and messages (Ruesch, Jakobson) in turn have to be reconciled with signs (Morris, Peirce).
We feel that in most cases the terms 'message' and 'text', when used without qualifications, denote both verbal and nonverbal communications that meet certain cultural criteria, thus claiming cultural status. (Winner & Winner 1976: 108)
"Criteria" and "status" sound like theoretical back-formations. What, for example, would these criteria be? I'd rather prefer going back to Mukařovský and viewing the cultural text in terms such as cultural value, cultural norm and, especially, cultural function (because this is the only one of this triplet that has actually been mentioned by Lotman elsewhere).
The various criteria required for a text to be a cultural one appear to include the following: the carrying of integral meaning, the fulfilment of a common function (3.1.0); the ascription of value and the preservation of text (4.0.0); the organization of the texts into some kind of genre or type (3.1.0); and the construction of texts according to definite generative rules (4.0.1). (Winner & Winner 1976: 109)
This would do. Cultural value here concerns preservation (it's a text and not a nontext or an antitext). Cultural function here seems to concern some meaningful activity - functioning culturally as a meaning-carrier, for example. Cultural norm would in turn here concern genre or type and conforming to the norms of a genre or type.
Following the argument of the "Theses", it is held that in television the basic unit is the elementary life situation which, before televising, is irresolvable into smaller elements. Furthermore, it is held that segmentation of continuous texts, such as painting or the cinema, into discrete distinctive features such as upper/lower, left/right, dark/light, black/white may in fact represent archaizing tendencies which "impose" on the continuous texts binary symbolic classifications of the mythological or ritual type (although the reservation is made that such features may be archetypal even during the creation and perception of continuous texts) (3.2.1). (Winner & Winner 1976: 110)
Upper/lower etc. seems way too general to be of any use. And on the other hand we have the work of Albert Mehrabian, largely based on Osgood's three-dimensional binary classification called the semantic space... And that line of research has brought almost nothing of value to the table.
Indeed, Florenskij, in his Analiz prostranstvennosti, has shown that in twentieth-century culture the role of the discrete means that the organization of time is always achieved by dismemberment or discontinuity (Florenskij, n.d., paragraph 72, in Ivanov, 1973a:136). An artistically organized book is "the simplest example of the unity achieved during the visual perception of discontinuous images" (Florenskij: n.d., paragraph 73, cited in Ivanov, 1973a:138). Other examples are the Chinese scroll, frescoes and avantgarde arts. "The presence of the temporal and discrete structure not only in the sequence of images, but also in each individual image", underlies modern art styles such as Cubism and the cinema, where the discrete principle of construction is brought into the foreground. All of these tendencies in twentieth-century art lead toward "revelations of discontinuous elements in temporal structures" (1973a:141). As Ivanov poses the contemporary argument, the questions are: is the cinema, where the impression of continuity arises from a succession of discrete forms, a model of our perception of the world, thus making inner psychological time discrete? Or is inner psychological time continuous? (1973a:143-144). Ivanov gives greatest importance to the underlying discontinuity of time which he traces not only to research on biological factors marking time intervals, but also to the limitations of time imposed on all living organisms which face death, the latter also accounting for the belief in eternity or mythological time (1973a:146). (Winner & Winner 1976: 113-114)
Dismemberment is a pretty good synonym for discontinuity or discreteness. One could probably add more dis- words. // The wording in "the discrete principle of construction" implies that there may also exist the continuous principle of construction. Frankly, I was simply not aware that these can be viewed as principles of construction. // The cinema-perception analogy reaches a conclusion in 1973 that Pjatigorski and Mamardašvili reach in their metatheorising a few years later (inner psychological time cannot be continuous, it must be discrete).
Thus texts and cultures as a whole may be oriented towards the sender or towards the receiver (3.2.2). In cultures oriented towards the receiver, the most highly valued texts are held to be widely intelligible ones (prose, documentary film), and truth value is important. On the other hand in cultures oriented towards the sender, the most highly valued texts are closed and unintelligible ones. In such esoteric cultures, prophetic and priestly texts, glossolalia, and poetry are valued. Whether such a dichotomy distinguishes culture types in general, or simply opposing trends within the same culture, needs to be clarified. (Winner & Winner 1976: 114)
Orientation towards the sender of course refers to autocommunication. One may even claim that in such culture orientation towards autocommunication prevails over heterocommunication. It also suggests that prophetic and priestly texts, glossolalia and poetry are inherently somewhat autocommunicative.
It is concluded that a broad typological approach to texts removes the absoluteness of the opposition of synchrony and diachrony (5.1.0). (The resolution of this dichotomy follows from the early "Theses" of Jakobson and Tynjanov in 1928.) Furthermore, as Ivanov notes, Bakhtin's early concept of genre memory, acted to eliminate the opposition between historical and synchronic poetics (Ivanov, 1975:191; Bakhtin, 1963:142). (Winner & Winner 1976: 115)
Thus far this seems to be the first notable instance in which someone has actually learned something from Jakobson and Tynyanov's 1928 theses. Ivanov's note about genre memory is also worthwhile to keep in mind, though it will be some time before I read Bakhtin again.
Reconstruction involves the sender's intention, the text itself, and the receiver's interpretation. It may be assumed that the statement, "To a certain extent, every reading of a poetic manuscript is a reconstruction of the creative process and a successive removal of superimposed levels" (5.2.1) may be at least partially applied to all cultural texts pointing to the broad area of pragmatics that is being increasingly investigated and reevaluated today. (Winner & Winner 1976: 115)
Thus far this seems to be the first notable instance in which someone has actually learned something from Jakobson and Tynyanov's 1928 theses. Ivanov's note about genre memory is also worthwhile to keep in mind, though it will be some time before I read Bakhtin again.
The general diagram of recoding of texts by levels reproduced in the "Theses" (5.2.2) applies to linguistic texts, but appears to refer by analogy to nonlinguistic texts as well. (Winner & Winner 1976: 115)
It really doesn't appear as such to me. // Also, this statement can be applied to expanding Jakobson's scheme of language functions - these should "be analogy" be applicable to nonverbal sign-behaviour as well. It is a matter of investigating how far can the analogy go.
There is the broadest linguistic interpretation of the 'symbol' by Cassirer (See Ricoeur, 1970:11, footnote 5 referring to Hamburg, 1956:59, citing Cassirer, 1975:3, 93), the somewhat more restricted use by Ricoeur (for Ricoeur symbols denote linguistic signs that encompass double or multiple meanings that require interpretation, 1970:9); the extension of the concept to nonverbal systems by semioticians and many anthropologists in West and East (for example the whole area called 'symbolic anthropology'); and finally there is the more specific use of the term symbol (understood to include more limited aspects of verbal and nonverbal behavior) by Jakobson and other semioticians, as well as Lévi-Strauss, who have followed, extended and modified the Peirceian trichotomy of index, icon and symbol. (Winner & Winner 1976: 122)
"Nonverbal symbol" does sound serviceable but I have yet to see anyone use it to any great length.
For Geertz the problem is that interpretation of culture or penetration of a text to discover its social semantics, which he calls "thick description", is in itself opposed to deciphering a code or ordering a system (1972:26). The latter is held to be reductionist and meaningless. (Winner & Winner 1976: 122)
I concur - looking for and deciphering a code is indeed reductionist and meaningless. At least in studying nonverbal communication it is pointless to talk about codes. There would be codes if it were people, a machine or even God that created humans and programmed their behaviour. But as it turns out, there's a complicated mixture of influences that can't exactly be reduced to a one-to-one correspondence between some elements.
Holenstein questions the traditional notion that structuralism and phenomenology are two distinct, and mutually exclusive, intellectual currents, pointing out that Husserl lectured at the Prague Linguistic Circle in 1936, and that the two movements proceeded in parallel fashion in three directions: in considering the role of the subject in the constitution of language; in cosidering the role of language in the constitution of the world, and in considering the conception of the phenomenology of the theory of relations (1975a:30). (Winner & Winner 1976: 128)
Holenstein's efforts seem like nit-picking. The role of the subject in the constitution of language? There is no private property in language! People are word-users not word-coiners!
These several areas of parallel development between phenomenology and structural semiotics are reflected in the writings of various members of the Tartu-Moscow group and of other semioticians, particularly in respect to the emphasis on the role of the subject, as the following remarks demonstrate. Thus Pjatigorskij has underlined, that the concept or sign is inseparable from the subject who uses things as signs by virtue of his ability to imagine, choose and project. In Pjatigorskij's words: "Things usable by living beings as signs, objectively present the possibilities of such usages as a result of the fact that they possess the qualities of duality, position and projection" (1974:186-187). These qualities are the "'pure possibilities'" of sign-ness that are converted by subjects "into sign reality in acts of communication and auto-communication" (1974:187). (Winner & Winner 1976: 130-131)
One should probably consider duality, position and projection - whatever these may mean - as aspects of textualization, for example. Imagining, choosing and projecting are definitely related to textualization.
Lotman has also held that structural research should not describe the language or code of a system to the detriment of parole, including the phenomena that are "random" from the point of view of language (Lotman, 1974a:304). These phenomena are created by non-identical individuals or subjects who purposely multiply the mechanisms that impede message transmission. Thus those exchanging information use not one common code, but rather two different ones that to some extent intersect, and the problem of the communicative act is one of translation. "Non-understanding, incomplete understanding, are not side products of the exchange of information, but belong to its very essence". At the cultural level, there is a constant and purposeful multiplying of the mechanisms that impede message transmission (1974a:302). (Winner & Winner 1976: 131)
This is something that Jakobson barely touches. He gets to this aspect only when he discusses how we imitate stranger's speech habits to facilitate communication. It takes Jakobson some time before he faces the fact that individuals have their own idiolectic language-codes. // Cf. "We have perfect communication, hypothetically, when the phenomenal worlds of speaker and hearer are identical, including identical representations of the medium. This, of course, never happens. We can have adequate communication when the message has to do with relatively sequestered concerns." (MacLeod 1974: 69)
Then "movement is not in the direction of increasing the amount of information but in the direction of increasing the amount of entropy" (6.0.2). This remark is strengthened in the opening of the "Theses" where it is stated that "in culture itself entropy increases at the expense of maximum organization" (1.2.0). Such a negative trend in advanced societies is emphasized by Lévi-Strauss: "This it is that civilization ... can be described as an extraordinarily complex mechanism, which we might be tempted to see as offering an opportunity for survival to the human world, if its function were not to produce what physicists call entropy, that is inertia" (Lévi-Strauss, 1974:413). Lévi-Strauss's "cold societies" (the archaic rigid societies of the "Theses") create minimum disorder, while "hot societies" (the historical societies of the "Theses") use up and destroy energy (Charbonnier, 1969:32-33). (Winner & Winner 1976: 135)
In his 1955. Tristes Tropiques, Lévi-Strauss viewed civilization as an extraordinarily complex mechanism.
Similarly, Ivanov states (1973a:112-113) that the application to human history of the principle of increase in complexity of structures assumes the still largely hypothetical idea of the replacement of the biosphere (the sphere of living matter) by the noosphere (the sphere of the activity of reason). As Ivanov remarks, not only has the store of information about the past not been effectively used for the extrapolation of the future, but the difficulties increase with the growing volume of information which cannot be physically processed (1973a:113). (Winner & Winner 1976: 135)
That Ivanov hinted towards the noosphere replacing the biosphere in terns of information is not as impressive as Walter Moser's 1979. Semiotica paper "Entering the Semiosphere".
Various examples are offered of transmissions of texts through different channels, which may involve related languages or different ones, and related cultural traditions or different ones. Transmissions across cultures and languages require broad understanding of the entire culture including "'sublinguistic systems' of custom, life style, and technology ... which are not constructed on the basis of signs and texts of a natural language and cannot be transposed in them" (7.0.1). Only in subsequent stages can sublinguistic systems" (7.0.1). Here the problems of what is meant by "sublinguistic systems", and how they are distinguished from "secondary supralinguistic systems", need to be clarified. One may ask why, for example, is life style "sublinguistic", while art is a "secondary modelling system". (Winner & Winner 1976: 138)
I'm guessing it may be because "secondary supralinguistic systems" are based on language - art is here primarily verbal art (e.g. poetry).
The striving towards organization is constrasted to the "need of relatively amorphous formations which only resemble structure" (9.0.0). For example highly regular artificial sign systems which act as a model of the organization of culture, such as ranks and badges in Russian society under Peter the Great, are contrasted to the "motley irregularity of the real life of those times" (9.0.0). Extending this concept, it is held that the idea of regularity, which grammars of natural languages may embody, as well as other regulating texts such as instructions and directions, may represent a systematized myth created by the culture about itself (9.0.0). The implications of this statement for the real, as opposed to the possibly mythological, role of the regulating forces needs to be investigated. (Winner & Winner 1976: 140)
Hopefully I will get to investigate it in due time.
As Ivanov has commented, the notion of subjectivity and variability of real life was stressed by Bakhtin who wrote "'the constitutive factor' for a linguistic form as a sign is not at all its signal of self-identity but its specific variability, and for the understanding of the linguistic form the constitutive factor is not recognition 'of the same thing' but understanding in the strict sense i.e., orientation in the given context and the given situation, orientation in formation and not 'orientation' in some immobile existence" (Ivanov, 1975:196, quoting Vološinov, 1972:83). Bakhtin's approach emphasized not only the point of view of the listener but most importantly the point of view of the speaker, and their interrelations, a view which was further developed by Jakobson and forms the basis of his communication model applicable to linguistic communications, poetic texts, and in fact communication in general (Ivanov, 1975:196-197). (Winner & Winner 1976: 140)
Here Ivanov is in error. Jakobson's model isn't applicable on communication in general. It is a scheme of language functions that don't apply on nonverbal communication.
Literary texts, as all cultural texts, are not context-free, but are related, in complex ways, to other texts belonging to the same system (e.g. other literary texts), or belonging to other systems (other culture texts) which raises many questions including that of inter-systemic and inter-level translation or conversion discussed in the "Theses". (Winner & Winner 1976: 142)
System is here equivalent with "series" and "order" in other translations. What we have in our hands is the autofunction and synfunction (although Jakobson and Tynyanov seemingly spoke of elements, not texts).
Van Der Eng's "functional device" expresses the growing trend to expand such concepts as that of the device beyond their early connotation. Thus the functional device becomes the central factor of the semantic unification and dynamic structuration, of the narrative work since it establishes semantic ties between the various elements of the fabula, thus providing a focus for the structuration and unification of the work of art (Mukařovský's "semantic gesture") realized through the psychological intention of the decoder. (Winner & Winner 1976: 143)
Could Mukařovský's "semantic gesture" be (comparable to) Jakobson's "dominant"?
As Jakobson has already pointed out (1970a), the novelty of the avant-garde of the 1920s and 1930s lies in a fundamental shift of semiosis to an "introversive" semiosis, a dimension implied in Peirce's triad, where non-figurative art is a kind of self icon. When no object exists in reality, or when the grasping of the relation between the sign and an objective denotatum is extremely difficult, the inner form of the art work becomes its own object. According to Jakobson, signs based on "introversive" semiosis (such as music [except for program music] and glossolalic poetry) possess a minimal referential component. Such an orientation describes those autotelic artistic schools of the early twentieth century, such as the Symbolists and post-Symbolists in the verbal arts and the post-Impressionists in the visual arts. (Winner & Winner 1976: 144)
I did not realise "introversive" semiosis could be such a fruitful concept. On the basis of this definition one could very well talk of nonverbal communication as introversive semiosis. (I have previously used other terms, such as intrinsic coding or instrumentality.)
In Ivanov's archaic cultures the past is mythologized, and present time is cyclical, while in modern cultures (where behavior is regulated by memory), the past is "real" and historical time and present time is linear. (Winner & Winner 1976: 145)
This statement has been repeated so many times already that I'm beginning to doubt in its validity. Is memory regulating behaviour? Or... Is behaviour regulating memory? Boom.

Beginnings of the Semiotics of Culture

Salupere, Silvi; Peeter Torop and Kalevi Kull 2013. Preface. In: Salupere, Silvi; Peeter Torop and Kalevi Kull (eds.), Beginnings of the semiotics of culture. Tartu Semiotics Library 13. Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 5-10.

The intensive work of the 1960s on the semiotic approach to the study of texts, at first literary texts and later other kinds of cultural texts, and the duscissions at the Tartu Semiotics Summer Schools in Kääriku (Salupere 2012), led to the formation of an understanding of the possibility for an integral approach to culture from the semiotic point of view. It is marked by the use of the term semiotics of culture that came into use since 1970. (Salupere, Torop & Kull 2013: 5)
And this work continues, almost half a century later. The notion of cultural text is still unclear to some.
A thorough analysis of the Theses has been produced by Irene Portis-Winner and Thomas Winner (1976). (Salupere, Torop & Kull 2013: 6)
And now I know what I'm reading next.
In 1992, Lotman wrote "Theses towards a semiotic analysis of Russian Culture" as a study programme for the Department of Russian Culture in the Institute of World Culture at Moscow State University (published in Russian and in English - Lotman 1994a; 1994b), and focused on some specific characteristics of Russian cultural history. See also Torop 1999. (Salupere, Torop & Kull 2013: 6, footnote 2)
The 1973 theses can similarly be thought of as the general research programme of the institute of semiotics.

Salupere, Silvi and Peeter Torop 2013. Introduction: On the beginnings of the semiotics of culture in the light of the Theses of the Tartu-Moscow School. In: Salupere, Silvi; Peeter Torop and Kalevi Kull (eds.), Beginnings of the semiotics of culture. Tartu Semiotics Library 13. Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 15-37.

It is difficult to give a comprehensive description of the environment in which the semiotics of culture was born. It grew out of a certain atmosphere, and was shaped by Russian Formalism with its critical reception of Saussure by J. Tynyanov and R. Jakobson, the theses of the Prague linguistic circle, L. Hjelmslev's glossematics, N. Chomsky and generative linguistics, Malinowski's scientific theory of culture, C. Levi-Strauss' structural anthropology, N. Wiener's cybernetics, and numerous other authors and theories. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 16)
I am only familiar with Tynyanov and Jakobson from this list.
[...] Juri Lotman was searching for a disciplinary sythesis - a fact that was first noticed by Karl Eimermacher who used the term "integrative culturology" in his articles on Lotman both in German and in Russian (Eimermacher 1974, 2001). Integrative is an appropriate word, taking into account Lotman's special position in the typological studies of culture. The term 'integrative" proposed by Eimermacher is accurate in the case of the Tartu-Moscow School in at least two respects. On one hand, the members of the school were active in different fields from Slavistics to Oriental studies, and their methodological explorations reflected the explorations of contemporary human and social sciences. These include, first and foremost, R. Barthes' meditations on language and his vision of semiology as a part of linguistics, and the attempt by C. Levi-Strauss to integrate different disciplines on the axis of cultural or social anthropology. An important place in the integrative nature of the Tartu-Moscow School belonged to R. Jakobson's concept of an integrative science of communication in which semiotics as the discipline studying the communication of all messages would include linguistics as the study of only linguistic messages, while also being related to social anthropology and economics as research into social communication. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 16-17)
I was not aware that TMS took Jakobson's concatenating view of these sciences so seriously. Also, compare this to Sebeok's or Mead's conception of semiotics as the advanced study of communication.
R. Posner's lengthy treatment of semiotics of culture proves a good example. He considers E. Cassirer as a direct precursor to cultural semiotics as Cassirer's classification of symbolic forms is similar to the clossification of sign systems:
Cultural semiotics is that subdiscipline of semiotics which has cluture as its subject. According to Cassirer, it has two tasks:
  1. The study of sign systems in a culture (in the sense of Herder or Tylor) with respect to what they contribute to the culture,
  2. The study of cultures as sign systems with respect to the advantages and disadvantages which an individual experiences in belonging to a specific culture.
(Posner 2005: 308)
The works of the TMS were quite well known in Germany; numerous works on semiotics of culture were published there, while a separate conception called evolutionary cultural semiotics was developed by W. A. Koch who also founded a new series titled Bochum Publications in Evolutionary Cultural Semiotics. Koch saw culture as
a phenomenon whose true integrative potentialities have not yet been fully discovered or explored. For a semiotics thus conceived, structure and process are not different phases of reality and/or science but rather mere faces of a unitary field. In the view of this series, then, any fruitful attempt at semiotic analysis will be based on premises of macro-integration - or evolution - and of micro-integration - culture. (Koch 1989: v)
For evolutionary cultural semiotics evolution means the dynamics of cultural environment as semiosis that evolves from verbal and pictorial media, to start with, towards printed media and then telemedia. Today this process is continued in the environment of new media. It is a movement from immediate communication towards the diversification of forms of mediated communication and the understanding of communication forms, with the cultural value of technological evolution becoming a part of both history of science and that of culture. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 18)
Posner's 2005. "Basic tasks of cultural semiotics" is available online in manuscript form. Koch's reference goes: Koch, Walter A. 1989. Bochum publications in evolutionary cultural semiotics: Editorial. In: Koch, Walter A. (ed.), Culture and Semiotics. Bochum: Studienverlag Dr. Norbert Brockmeyer, V.
Disciplinary logic demands that culture be declared the research object of semiotics of culture. In his memoirs, A. Pjatigorskij, one of the founders of the Tartu-Moscow School, discusses the reasons why the TMS became the study of culture: "Universal method needs a universal object and unavoidably that will be culture" (Pjatigorskij 1994: 326). Pjatigorskij believed the primary cause was Russian culture:
We thought we wrote about culture from an outside point of view, but it led us from inside. [...] Thereafter the method was ontologized that has led to object naturalization (not only "how I understand culture" but how one culture understands other cultures and itself). (Pjatigorskij 1994: 326-327).
Pjatigorskij emphasises that the definition of culture cannot be separated from the observer, since culture is a metaconcept, i.e. a concept of description and self-description (Pjatigorskij 1994: 326), and understanding the observer is as important as understanding the observed, since "the language of world description cannot exist simply because there is no single natural language that can be used to describe the world as a single object of study" (Pjatigorskij 2002: 9). Let us note that while for Pjatigorskij such naturalisation was methodologically erroneous, since as the researcher is located inside the culture, it is difficult for him or her to take a meta-position and remain objective, Boris Usponskij, another author of the Theses, considers such unity of the object and the researcher to be a positive trait. In a talk given in 1981, Usponskij describes the path travelled over 20 years, starting from the extrapolation of linguistic methods to non-linguistic objects and finally reaching the semiotics of culture. He subscribes the success of the TMS to the application of the dualist model typologically characteristic of Russian culture in the genesis of the TMS, which united two different traditions: the Moscow tradition of linguistics and the Leningrad tradition of literary studies (Uspenskij 1994: 268). (Salupere & Torop 2013: 20-21)
And again, these problems are still revelant today. The metaconcept problem is exactly why Randviir dismisses the semiosphere. And Pjatigorskij's "naturalisation" concerns the culture as a collective "I" (that is, the cultural level in Ruesch's communication system).
No matter how unusual we might find the idea that the concept of human culture itself presupposes the existence of certain initial freedoms and restrictions [just as in language - S.S., P.T.], it is supported by a simple argument. A system not organised in such a fastion is not a language, i.e. it cannot be used for storing and transferring information. Culture, however, is a communicative system by definition. (Lotman 1967a: 6) (Salupere & Torop 2013: 22)
...Which is why I deem it necessary to read up on Ruesch and Bateson who explored the possibilities of communication systems.
In his article "Literary fact" from 1924 he wrote: "Literary fact is heterogeneous, and in this sense literature is an incessantly evolutioning order" (Tynyanov 1977: 270). Understanding of literary order or system is very close to the notion of function:
A literary system is first of all a system of the functions of the literary order which are in continual interrelationship with other orders. [...] The evolution of the structural function occurs rapidly; the evolution of the literary function occors over epochs; and the evolution of the functions of a whole literary system in relation to neighbouring systems occurs over centuries. (Tynyanov 1977: 277)
Literary order is just one functional order together with the order of everyday life, the order of culture, the social order. The study of literary evolution presupposes the investigation of connections first of all between the closest neighbouring orders or systems, and a logical path leads from the structural to the literary function, from the literary to the verbal function. This follows from the position that "evolution is the change in interrelationships between the elements of a system - between functions and formal elements" (Tynyanov 1977: 281). (Salupere & Torop 2013: 23)
When is termed "series" in Jakobson and Tynyanov (1928), is here termed "order" and seems to amount to a "system".
As predecessors to semiotics of culture, Tynyanov's works are also where the idea of conceiving cultural artefacts through the dynamics of boundaries is derived from. A text can be delineated in different ways as a text in a certain language, as a representative of a certain literary genre, as an expression of a literary-historical style, as a social message, as an artistic text - in other words, conceptualised and correlated with the cultural environment to different extents. A complex understanding presumes a parametric approach, and different sides of parametric analysis are reflected in the Theses which state that culture is both a text and a system of texts. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 24)
This is extremely relevant, for it points out how defining the borders of a text is a matter of perspective - of which "order" it is correlated with.
[...] if the first sentence of the Proposals reads: "The initial premise is that all human activity concerned with the processing, exchange, and storage of information with the help of signs possesses a certain unity", then "with the help of signs" has been omitted in the Theses, since there was no longer any need to stress that in 1973. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 24)
And yet I feel that there is a need to stress it now, so that we could pinpoint the most explicitly semiotic aspect - the informational function of signs - and compare it to other approaches (Nauta 1972, for example).
The most universal feature of human cultures is the need for self-description. Every culture has its own specific means for it, its languages of description. Languages of description facilitate cultural communication, perpetuate cultural experience, and model cultural memory. The coherence of culture is based on the repetition and interpretation of the same things. The more languages of description a culture has, the richer it is. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 25)
This is the most commonsense explanation fo the self-description aspect. In this sens, self-description is necessary for a culture to constitute a "supraindividual self".
  1. Language as primary modelling system
  2. Secondary modelling systems:
    1. Language as higher sign system (myth, literature, poetry);
    2. Language as metalanguage or part of metalanguage (criticism and history of art, music, dance etc.);
    3. Language as model or analogue (language of film, dance, music, painting, etc.).
Based on this classification, language as a primary modelling system is the human being's main means of thinking and communicating. As a secondary modelling system, language is the preserver of culture's collective experience and the reflector of its creativity. As a metalanguage, natural language in the translator and interpreter of all nonverbal systems, and from the methodological perspective, especially during the 1960s and 1970s, language offered cultural analysis the possibility of searching for discrete (linguistic) elements also in such fields of culture in which natural language either does not belong to the means of expression, or does it only partially. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 25-26)
That is, language is primarily a "social modelling system" (Jakobson 1971 [1967]: 676 ) and secondarily a system that further cultural systems are based on and which influence "the way the whole society conceives of the world" (Mukařovský 1976[1938]: 161-162)
First, however, we must ask how the term "ustrojstvo" has found its way into the metalanguage of Lotman and his co-authors. Without delving too deep into history, it is clear that it originates in the Moscow group, the circles of mathematicians, linguists, and cyberneticians. In a book published in 1965 by two authors of the Theses, we find an important definition that can be used as a starting point: "A device [устройство] (automaton, human, or animal), interacting with the environment surrounding it, processes the information it receives about the environment and about the device itself" (Ivanov, Toporov 1965: 6). It is clear from this that it is sometimes more concerte, more static, something given, and our position is that the most logical translation should be "device", that has not been used by the translators so far. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 28)
This quote from Ivanov and Toporov seems to capture some fundamental aspects of Lotman's "device of culture" as well: that it interacts with the non-culture that surrounds it and it possesses some information about itself (e.g. self-description).
The distinction is also missing in Universe of the Mind (1990): see, for example, the table of contents: "Text as a meaning-generating mechanism" (смыслопорождающее устройство) and "Rhetoric as a meaning-generating mechanism" (механизм смыслопорождения). (Salupere & Torop 2013: 29)
Jäta meelde: tekst on tähendusloome vahend; retoorika on tähendusloome mehhanism.
Culture's "model of itself, the myth of the culture about itself which appears at a certain stage", and "the orientation of culture" are presented as important unifying mechanisms of culture. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 31)
I'm once again reminded of Olev Remsu's Kurbmäng Paabelis in which a dictatorial regime assigns a new creation myth every year. These are written by school students and the best one is selected. The creation myths that Remsu lists by way of example include the story of Jesus as well as that of Kalevipoeg.
Culture's model of itself is based on the dynamics of self-descriptions, on the balance between three main types of self-models - self-models that register its current state, self-models based on a necessity to change the situation, and theoretical models, the relationship of which to reality is not clear at the moment of their creation but might become so in the future. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 31)
This is extremely interesting. Compare this to Ruesch's intero-, proprio- and exteroception. Also, compare it to the so-called goffmanian triad (self, other, situation).
[...] the question of the difference and combination of metalanguages. This problem, too, was first stated by R. Jakobson, who wrote in his article "Metalanguage as a linguistic problem", published in 1956: "Language must be investigated in all the variety of its functions" (Jakobson 1985: 113). In the context of this article, this means that the TMS does not attempt to create a new canonical metalanguage in its search for the disciplinary bases of semiotics of culture. Just as culture is based on the diversity of languages of self-expression, so is the science studying culture based on the diversity of metalanguages. Semiotics of culture as a discipline creates a methodology that accepts this diversity of object and metalevels. (Salupere & Torop 2013: 34)
This, too, is a kind of ethics of terminology.

Lotman, Juri M. 2013 [1970]. Proposals for the programme of the 4th Summer school on secondary modelling systems. In: Salupere, Silvi; Peeter Torop and Kalevi Kull (eds.), Beginnings of the semiotics of culture. Tartu Semiotics Library 13. Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 41-43.

[...] we shall also admit another approach, according to which all of them examine particular aspects of the semiotics of culture, of the study of the functional correlation of different sign systems. (Lotman 2013[1970]: 41)
This means that semiotics of culture is inherently syncretic and interested in the mutual influence of sign systems. In my case this concerns the relationship of verbal and nonverbal systems.
Special consideration should be given to the question of the relationship between primary and secondary cultural languages. Is such two-tier construction fundamental to the structure of culture, and what makes it functionally essential? Is natural language the only primary system? What ae the traits that a system must possess to be able to function as a primary system - or a secondary one? (Lotman 2013[1970]: 42)
Here we see that Lotman was not dogmatic about the modelling systems theory. Sebeok's restructuring can thus be deemed acceptable and Mihhail Lotman's framing of modelling systems as "relational notions" is spot on.
Description of the influence of some particular semiotic system on others, i.e. "The role of painting in the semiotics of poetry of this or that era", "The role of cinema in the structure of the language of contemporary culture". (Lotman 2013[1970]: 42)
This is one of the specific directions that Lotman suggests conducting investigations. Again, the two-tier division into primary and secondary modelling systems (sign systems) should not be taken as face value but investigated. The relationships between sign systems are not "set in stone" but in continual evolution. Cf. Tynyanov above on the relationship between literary facts and other orders/series.
Culture and non-culture. The struggle against culture as a cultural problem (analogy: the problem of forgetting as a component of the mechanism of memory). Culturoclasm and kulturträgers in the history of culture. The question of structural reserves in culture (barbarians for the Antiquity, pagans for Christianity, ignoramuses for rationalists, the People for the Enlightenment as the sphere for the expansion of culture). (Lotman 2013[1970]: 42)
The struggle against culture is also related to the last thesis: "Observance of rules and the struggle against rules becoming a rule by itself" (ibid, 43). I've compared the question of culture vs non-culture to contemporary advance of internet and social media. Here Wikipedia's "outreach program" is a good example - it goes out into third world countries (e.g. parts of India) in order to start creating wiki pages in those languages almost by force - that is, instead of letting people come to wikipedia and edit for free, wikipedia goes to those people and pays them to edit wikipedia in their language. This is a means to bring non-digital-natives to the internet. In this case the internet is synonymous with "culture" and non-culture is everything in the "outernet".
10. Culture as collective memory. The continuity of culture provides a collective with awareness of their existence. The possibility of studying culture as organized memory. [...]
13. Culture as a sphere of social conflicts. The struggle for collective memory. Socially prescribed norms of remembering and forgetting. (Lotman 2013[1970]: 43)
I skipped a couple of theses to show how he defined culture as memory and then brought the "power" question into this discussion by asking who has the right to determine this memory.

Lotman, Juri M.; Vjacheslav V. Ivanov; Aleksandr M. Pjatigorskj; Vladimir N. Toporov and Boris A. Uspenskij 2013. Theses on the semiotic study of cultures (as applied to Slavic texts). In: Salupere, Silvi; Peeter Torop and Kalevi Kull (eds.), Beginnings of the semiotics of culture. Tartu Semiotics Library 13. Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 53-77.

[1.1.0.] In investigations of a semiotic-typological nature the concept of culture is perceived as fundamental. In doing so we should distinguish between thec onception of culture from its own point of view and from the point of view of a scientific metasystem which describes it. According to the first position, culture will have the appearance of a delimited sphere which is opposed to the phenomena of human history, experience, or activity lying outside it. Thus the concept of culture is inseparably linked with the opposition of its "non-culture". (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 53)
The sphere of culture is delimited. One can only presume that if there is a sphere of human history, experience and activity outside of it, then there is also history, experience and activity inside it.
[1.3.1.] Thus, from the position of an outside observer, culture will represent not an immobile, synchronically balanced mechanism, but a dichotomous system, the "work" of which will be realized as the aggression of regularity against the sphere of the unregulated and, in the opposite direction, as the intrusion of the unregulated into the sphere of organization. At different moments of historical development either tendency may prevail. The incorporation into the cultural sphere of texts which have come from outside sometimes proves to be a powerful stimulating factor for cultural development. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 56)
I did not expect to see the notion of regulation play such an important role here. It is clear that organization goes hand in hand with regulation. The "aggression" of regulation is especially interesting. I may very well use this thesis to bring my "regulative function" to a cultural level.
[1.3.3.] The cultural function of the tension between the inner (closed) and the outer (open) spaces is clearly revealed in the structure of houses (and other bulidings). In making a house, man thereby partitions off a part of space which - in contrast with the outer sphere - is perceived as culturally assimilated and regulated. However, this initial opposition acquires cultural significance only against a background of continual breaches in the opposite direction. Thus, on the one hand, the closed "domestic" space begins to be perceived not as the antipode of the outside world, but as its model and analogue (for example, the temple as an image of the universe). In this case the regularity of the temple space is transferred to the outside world, suppressing the sphere of irregularity (the aggression of the inner space against the outside). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 57)
This thesis could very well be used for the semiotics of the city. All that is necessary is to extend the house metaphor from a single building to a complex of buildings - the city.
[3.0.0.] The relationship of the text with the whole of culture and with its system of codes is shown by the fact that on different levels the same message may appear as a text, part of a text, or an entire set of texts. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 58)
I think a similar point applies on signs generally. What, for example, is the difference between signs and distinctive features? How are they related? In any case this is, as was pointed out above, something Tynyanov discussed in relation with literature.
[3.1.0.] Out of the entire totality of messages in a natural language, culture distinguishes and takes into account only those which may be defined as a certain speech genre, for example, "prayer", "law", "novel" and others, that is to say, those which possess a certain integral meaning and fulfill a common function. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 58)
In short, a cultural text (kultuuritekst) is a text has a cultural meaning and function. That is, the meaning must be shared and the text must be functional in some sense: prayer in religious context, law in judicial context, novel in literary context, etc.
[3.2.1.] Text and sign. The text as an integral sign; the text as a sequence of signs. The second case, as is well known from the experience of the linguistic study of the text, is sometimes regarded as the only possible one. Yet in the overall model of culture another type of text is also essential, one in which the concept of the text appears not as a secondary one derived from a chain of signs, but as a primary one. A text of this type is not discrete and does not break down into signs. It represents a whole and is segmented not into separate signs but into distinctive features. In this sense we can detect a far-reaching similarity between the primacy of the text in such modern audiovisual systems of mass communication as the cinema and television, and tho role of the text for systems in whcih, as in mathematical logic, metamathematics, and the theory of formalized grammars, language is understood as a certain set of texts. The fundamental distinction between these two cases of the primacy of the text consists, however, in the fact that for audiovisual systems of the transmission of information and for such comparatively earlier systems as painting, sculpture, the dance (and pantomime), and ballet, the continuous text may be primacy (the whole canvas of a painting, or a fragment of it in the event that separate signs are segmented in the painting), and a sign appears as a secondary notion, definable in terms of the text, whereas in formalized languages the text may always be represented as a chain of discrete symbols assigned as elements of an initial alphabet (of a set or a vocabulary). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 58)
Cf. "Thus a painting can present the entire appearance of a thing in front of a viewer's eyes at once, whereas poetry must depict the same thing in parts, gradually, in time: for poetry a state changes into events." (Mukařovský 1976[1944]: 241) Mukařovský was discussing Gotthold Ephraim Lessing's Laocoön.
[3.2.1.] For television the basic unit is the elementary life situation, which before the moment of television (or of filming) is in an a priori manner, unknown and irresolvable into elements. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 59)
Verify this with Andrejevic's Reality TV: The Work of Being Watched.
[3.2.4.] Since memory is incorporated into the channel of communication between sender and receiver in cultures possessing the means of externally fixing the message, a distinction is made between the potential receiver ("my distant descendant" in Baratynsky's poetry) and the actual receiver. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 61)
Memory here involves "externally fxing the message" in signs that last through time (e.g. words on a paper, a text). This at the same time verifies that Jakobson's channel is indeed Ruesch's medium but at the same time negates the conflation of message in Ruesch and Lotman - in the former, not very many messages or signs are "fixed", while for Lotman fixation or textualisation is at the heart of the matter (of cultural semiotics). Also, compare this type of "memory" in the communication system to the Revzin's and Bakhtin's memory component in the communication models (e.g. not memery in the channel but common memory in sender and receiver, both having distinct but somewhat overlapping memories).
[3.2.4.] The existence of memory in the channel of communication can also be associated with the reflection, in the structure of genres, of communication features which sometimes can be traced back to the preceding peiod (the "genre memory", according to M. M. Bakhtin). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 62)
It can, indeed. But I see a rather more interesting conjunction between the notion of the culture text (or cultural text) and Bakhtin's genre memory. Not sure if anyone has studied this conjunction.
We should distinguish the nontext from the "antitext" of a given culture the utterance which the culture does not preserve from the utterance which it destroys. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 62; footnote 13)
This is a notable distinction. It should be remembered, for example, that in the early 1930s, the nazis didn't burn all books whatsoever (as they did in Bradbury's fantasy novel) but antitexts only - the books that were deemed dangerous to the nazi regime. I also think that these notions could be borrowed for a more general or even behavioural semiotics in terms of nonsigns and antisigns. In gestural studies, at least, this would be simple: the nonsign-gestures are the ones that a cultural group doesn't recognize as significant; the antisign-gestures would be the ones that the given cultural group does recognize as significant but assigns to a negative, forbidden, or unwanted signification.
[4.1.1.] Tde traditional history of culture takes into consideration for each chronological section only "new" texts, texts created by the given age. But in the real existence of culture, texts transmitted by the given cultural tradition or introduced from the outside always function side by side with new texts. This gives each synchronic state the features of cultural polyglotism. Since on different social levels the speed of cultural development may not be identical, a synchronic state of culture may include its diachrony and the active reproduction of "old" texts. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 63)
This is Jakobson's "permanent dynamic synchrony" applied to culture and texts instead of language and variance/invariance of its subcodes, styles or elements.
[5.2.2.] The representation of a text in a natural language might be described by proceeding from an idealized diagram of the work of an automatic machine which would trnsform the text, successively developing it from the general intention to the lower levels; in this transformation each of the levels or some combination of different levels might be in principle correspondent to the recoding of the text by means of an output mechanism (see Fig. 1). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 66)
Compare this (diagram, below) to Jakobson view of language as a completely semiotic system, "a system of signs from the largest components (discourses) to the smallest ones (the distinctive features)." (Waugh & Monville-Burston 2002[1990]: xviii)
[5.2.2.] Fig. 1. General diagram of the recording of a linguistic text by levels. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 67)
I recreated the figure because I've had to open this book several times merely to look this figure up.
[6.0.0.] From the semiotic point of view culture may be regarded as a hierarchy of particular semiotic systems, as the sum of the texts and the set of functions correlated with them, or as a certain mechanism which generates these texts. If we regard the collective as a more complexly organized individual, culture may be understood by analogy with the individual mechanism of memory as a certain collective mechanism for the storage and processing of information. The semiotic structure of culture and the semiotic structure of memory are functionally uniform phenomena situated on different levels. This proposition does not contradict the dynamism of culture: being in principle the fixation of past experience, it may also appear as a program and as instructions for the creation of new texts. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 68)
This is Lotman's version of omne symbolum de symbolo, e.g. "culture begets culture" or more specifically, culture begets culture texts.
[6.0.0.] Moreover, it is possible given a fundamental orientation of culture toward future experience to construct a certain conditional point of view from which the future appears as the past. For example, texts are being created which will be stored by our descendants; people who perceive themselves as "public figures of the age" seek to perform historic deeds (acts which in the future will become memory). Cf. the aspiration of people of the eighteenth century to choose heroes of antiquity as programs for their own behavior (the image of Cato is the distinctive code which deciphers the entire lifelong behavior of Radischev, including his suicide). The essence of culture as memory is especially clearly shown in the example of archaic texts, particularly folklore texts. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 68)
It is indeed possible, drawing from the individual-culture analogy, that cultures have their own anticipations, expectancies, plans, etc. towards the future, just like individuals do.
[6.0.1.] Not only do the participants in communication create texts, but the texts also contain the memory of the participants in communication. Therefore the assimilation of texts of another culture leads to the transmission through the centuries of certain structures of personality and types of behavior. The text may appear as a condensed profram of the whole culture. The assimilation of texts from another culture results in the phenomenon of polyculturality, in the possibility, while remaining within one culture, of choosing conventional behavior in the style of another. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 68)
This Lotman addresses later, in "The Semiotics of Culture and the Concept of a Text" for example, especially in: "Revealing a capacity to condense information, it [the text] acquires memory." (Lotman 1988 [1981]: 55)
[6.0.2.] For the period beginning with the Proto-Slavic and continuing in individual Slavic traditions down to modern times, the collective mechanism for the storage of information ("memory") ensures the transmission from generation to generation of fixed rigid schemes of texts (metric, translinguistic, etc.) and whole fragments of them (loci communi with respect to folklore texts). The most ancient sign system of this type - in which literature is reduced to the embodiment, by means of ritual formulas, of mythological plots handed down from generation to generation - on the level of social interpretation may be synchronized with rigidly determined systems of relationships in which all possibilities are covered by rules correlated with the mythological past and with cyclical ritual. On the contrary, more advanced systems, in groups whose behavior is regulated by the memory of their real history, correlate directly with the type of literature in which the basic principle becomes the search for devices which are statistically the least frequent (and which therefore carry the greatest amount of information). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 68-69)
This is almost like the orationes logoi (elements of discourse) bit from Foucault (2005: 359).
[6.0.2.] In all such cases, in the process of reconstruction there occurs the problem of eleminating the noise superimposed on the text as it is transmitted through the diachronic channel of communication between generations. In this connection, phenomeno revealed in secondary modelling systems can be compared with the evident dicrease in complexity (and increase in simplicity) of the organization of the text on the morphological level during the transition from the Indo-European to the (late) Proto-Slavic period during which the law of open syllables was operating (by simplicity here we mean a decrease in the number of elements and the rules for their distribution). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 69)
This is very encourageing for distinguishing synchronic metacommunication (a la Ruesch & Bateson) from diachronic metacommunication (a la Torop and Topovic). Cf. (Torop 2000: 23).
[6.1.0.] The pursuit of heterogeneity of languages in a characteristic feature of culture. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 70)
Very general and seemingly very true.
[6.1.1.] This principle is revealed when a socially lower system becomes axiologically higher. The specific functions of the second Slavic language (usually Old Church Slavonic) in such a pair of structurally equivalent languages makes the material of Slavic cultures and languages especially valuable, not only for the investiggation of problems of bilingualism but also for explaining a number of processes hypothetically associated with bilingualism and polylingualism for that genre, the approximation to the spoken language as one of the social functions of poetry; cf. the idea of the "secularization" of the language of Russian poetry in articles by Mandelstam). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 70)
A similar case could be made for a semiotically "lower" system - such as facial expressions - becoming axiologically higher than the natural language (e.g. snapchats gaining prominence over SMS). (Also, while SMS is short for "Short Message Service", snapchat should be called SVMS (f)or "Short Visual Message Service".)
[6.1.3.] As a system of systems based in the final analysis on a natural language (this is implied in the term "secondary modelling systems", which are contrasted with the "primary system", that is to say, the natural language), culture may be regarded as a hierarchy of semiotic systems correlated in pairs, the correlation between them being to a considerable extent realized through correlation with the system of the natural language. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 171)
Here it turns out that "a system of systems" is the basis for the idea of secondary modelling systems. This also links up with Jakobson's fondness for hierarchies. That is, compare language and culture in Jakobson and Lotman.
[6.1.4.] The proposition concerning the insufficiency of only one natural language for the construction of culture can be connected with the fact that even a natural language itself is not a strictly logical realization of a single structural principle. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 71)
They make this comparison themselves: for Jakobson, language is not a homogeneous structure but composed of what he called sub-codes or speech styles.
[6.1.5.] Under secondary modelling systems we understand such semiotic systems, with the aid of which models of the world or its fragments are constructed. These systems are secondary in relation to the primary system of natural language, over which they are built - directly (the supralinguistic system of literature) or in the shape parallel to it (music, painting). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 72)
What I call concourse, or the sub-code of language dealing with body motion communication, is a secondary modelling system in this sense: concursive use of language models human bodily behaviour and communication.
[6.2.0.] It may be of particular interest to uncover the same regularities of the construction of a text (of a typical baroque text, for example) using material of predominantly continuous (pictorial) and predominantly discrete (verbal) texts. On this level an important problem is that of film making as an experiment in translating a discrete verbal text into a continuous one which is merely accomponied by fragments of the discrete (for example, Iwaszkiewicz's Birch Wood and Wajda's television film of it, in which the role of the verbal text is reduced to a minimum in view of the significance of the music for the film's sound track). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 72)
Whaddayaknow, intersemiotic translation!
[7.0.0.] In conformity with the traditional aims of Slavistics, comparativistic problems may be interpreted here as the transmission of texts through different channels. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 73)
Weirdly, languages begin to function as channels...
[7.0.1.] The problem of Slavic-non-Slavic contacts of the transmissions associated with them requires a very broad understanding of the entire culture under consideration, including the "sublinguistic systems" of custom, life style, and technology (including trades); non-Slavic influences - frequently more noticeable in these areas (and in the sphere of linguistic terminology associated with them) - only in subsequent stages can be detected in the secondary supralinguistic systems, which here clearly reveal how the differ in principle from the "sublinguistic" systems, which are not constructed on the basis of the signs and texts of a natural language and cannot be transposed in them. In contrast with this principle, which was characteristic of the late periods of contact with Western cultural zones, the earlier contacts with Byzantium affected primarily the sphere of secondary modelling systems. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 74)
Here nonverbal is not "nonverbal" or "nonlinguistic" but rather "sublinguistic", or even "extralinguistic".
[8.0.2.] In recent years the interest of specialists in structural poetics has been concentrated on the study of interlevel relations; so onomatopoeia, for example, is studied not without regard for sense but in relation to sense. The process of recoding by level interweaves the results of different stages of the reduction of parts of a synthesized text to a sign, which is really embodied in the auditory or optical signal. The possibility of experimentally dividing the different stages in the process of synthesizing a literary text remains problematical because its surface structure, which is defined by formal limitations, may influence the deep figurative structure. This specifically follows from the ratio discovered on the basis of poetics, β ≤ γ, according to which, given an increase in the coefficient β, which indicates the extent of the limitations imposed on the poetic form, there must be an increase in the quatity γ, which defines the flexibility of the poetic language, i.e., specifically, of the number of synonymous paraphrases achieved through transferred and figurative word usage, unusual word combinations, and the like. Therefore the divcovery of the extent of formal limitations in works on comparative Slavic poetics, the establishment of such information-theory parameters of individual Slavic languages as flexibility (γ) and entropy (Η), and the specification of the aims and possibilities of translation from one Slavic language to another, turn out to be different aspects of the same problem, which may be investigated only on the basis of preliminary research in each of those fields. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 75-76)
Flexibility and entropy also play a role in my study of concourse: it is a matter of whether certain words and phrases were coined by a specific author or was it a part of common discourse, or did the author "flex" the words or phrases, etc.
[9.0.0.] In the union of different levels and subsystems into a single semiotic whole - "culture" - two mutually opposed mechanisms are at work:
  1. The tendency toward diversity - toward an increase in differently organized semiotic languages, the "polyglotism" of culture.
  2. The tendency toward uniformity - the attempt to interpret itself or other cultures as uniform, rigidly organized languages.
The first tendency is revealed in the continual creation of new languages of culture and in the irregularity of its internal organization. Different spheres of culture have inherent in them a different extent of internal organization. While creating within itself a source of maximum organization, culture also as need of relatively amorphous formations which only resemble structure. In this sense it is characteristic to distinguish systematically, within the historically given structures of culture, spheres which are to become, as it were, a model of the organization of culture as such. It is especially interesting to study various artificially created sign systems which strive for maximum regularity (such, for example, is the cultural function of the ranks, dress coats, and badges of rank it the "regular" state of Peter the Great and his successors - the very idea of "regularity", in becoming a part of the uniform cultural unity of the age, constitutes an additional quantity in the motley irregularity of the real life of those times). Of great interest from this point of view is the study of metatexts: instructions, "regulations", and directions which represent a systematized myth created by culture about itself. Significant in this respect is the role played at different stages of culture by language grammars as models of organizing, "regulating" texts of various kinds. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 76)
I think I've found a passageway to combine discussions of the category of regulators (Ekman, Carpenter), the communicative regulation function (Jakobson, Ruesch) and the social control of signs (Morris, Mead) with cultural semiotics.
9.0.1. The role of artificial languages and of mathematical logic in the development of such branches of knowledge as structural and mathematical linguistics or semiotics can be described as one of the examples of the creation of "sources of regularity". At the same time these sciences themselves in the overall complexity of twentieth-century culture play, on the whole, an analogous role. (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 76)
Metalanguages are also a source of regularity and regulation.
9.1.0. Scientific investigation is not only an instrument for the study of culture but is also part of its object. Scientific texts, being metatexts of the culture, may at the same time be regarded as its texts. Therefore any significant scientific idea may be regarded both as an attempt to cognize culture and as a fact of its life through which its generating mechanisms take effect. From this point of view we might raise the question of modern structural-semiotic studies as phenomena of Slavic culture (the role of the Czech, Slovak, Polish, Russian, and other traditions). (Lotman et al. 2013[1973]: 77)
Yup. Especially if the science is the semiotics of culture.

Lotman, Juri M. and Boris A. Uspenskij 2013. Heterogeneity and homogeneity of cultures: Postscriptum to the collective theses. In: Salupere, Silvi; Peeter Torop and Kalevi Kull (eds.), Beginnings of the semiotics of culture. Tartu Semiotics Library 13. Tartu: University of Tartu Press, 129-132.

1.1. Culture's ability of transforming the surrounding entropy in[to] information, of creating within itself radically new languages and texts, as well as its bond with the mechanism of collective memory, allow it to be considered as a collective person, in particular, comes to be the bearer of collective intelligence. (Lotman & Usponskij 2013[1979]: 129-139)
Compare these to Mihhail Lotman's scheme of communicative, mnemonic, and creative. Mis-matching these notions, collective memory obviously carries the mnemonic function; the collective person would seem to be communicative and the collective intelligence would concern creativity.
2.1. In the comparative study of cultures the idea according to which cultural influence presupposes that the involved cultures would have reached a common stage of development is considerably widespread. The similar influences the similar, and each culture selects, in the heterogeneous repertoire of existing texts, that in which it sees itself. Undoubtedly, such a selection takes place. (Lotman & Usponskij 2013[1979]: 130)
I am equally sure that such a phenomenon occurs equally on the individual level. We may read the same texts but we will inevitably draw widely different ideas from them.

Linnasemiootika lugemismaterjal

Remm, Tiit 2014. Lugemismaterjal kursusele "Linnasemiootika" (FLSE.00.244).

Kõige üldisemalt uurib linnasemiootika, kuidas elatakse linnaga seoses? Selline määratlus sisaldab esmalt arusaama elamise ja semioosi kattuvusest ning teisalt, et linn on määratletav eelkõige kultuurilise tasandi kaudu ehk eksisteerib objektnähtusena inimese eluilmas, mis on sotsiaalne ja kultuuriline omailm. Nii on linnasemiootika eelkõige inimkeskne; linnaga seotud mitteinimliku elu (nt linnalooduse temaatika) uurimine lähtub samuti inimese perspektiivist. Lisaks on inimkesksuse puhul tähelepanu kaldu sotsiaalse ning iseäranis kultuurilise mõõtme suunas. Nii võtab valdkonna keskne küsimus konkreetsema kuju: kuidas inimene tähendustab linna? Linna tähendustab teatud võimete ja õpitud tegutsemisviisidega konkreetsetes olukordades tegutsev subjekt, sotsiaalse ja kultuurilise teadmuse poolt vahendatult. (Remm 2014: 2)
Siin on üle võetud biosemiootiline arusaam, et elu piir langeb kokku märgitegevuse piiriga. Lühidalt, elamine on alati seotud märgitegevusega. Linn on seega mitte ainult inimese füüsiline keskkond, vaid ka märgiline - sotsiaalne ja kultuuriline - keskkond.
[Linn on sotsiokultuuriline nähtus, mis] on sootsiumi suhteliselt tihe (elu-) keskkond, kus sotsiaalsed suhted, kultuuriline maailmapilt ja jagatud ettekujutus linnast teostub ja kujuneb ning füüsilises ruumis väljendub. (Remm 2014: 2)
Social relationships, cultural worldview (Weltanschauung), shared imagination (?) - materialises, develops and manifests (in physical space).
Lisaks sõltub linna semiootilisuse mõistmine valitavast vaatepunktist – kas vaadelda linna tänaval liikuja perspektiivist, nö looja või kasutaja, kultuuri maailma- ja enesemudelite või kultuuris toimumise seisukohalt – ning linnale omistatavast olemusest keskkonnana, tervikobjektina või näiteks mahutina. (Remm 2014: 2)
Need kolm tunduvad minu jaoks kõige mõistlikumad. St linnas elava, liikuva ja toimiva inimese ning tema kultuurilise iseloomu ristumine linnas kui teatud mahutis (eluruumis) tundub mõistlik. Kultuur on siin jutkui inimese ja linna vaheline vahendaja (mediator).
Linnasemiootika ajaloolises arengus võib välja tuua kolm üksteist täiendavat suunda: (1) linna sotsiokultuurilise nähtusena toimimise, (2) linnakeskkonna tunnetamise ning (3) linnaruumi kui tähistussüsteemi uurimine. (Remm 2014: 3)
(1) sotsioloogia, geograafia, majandusteadus, õkoloogia; (2) psühholoogia, antropoloogia, filoloogia; (3) linnasemiootika.
Erilise tähtsusega on linnasemiootika jaoks Chicago koolkonna side pragmatismiga. Ühelt poolt väljendub see arusaamas reaalsuste paljususest linnas (nt subkultuuride uurimise kontekstis). Teisalt on oluline interpreteerivate tegutsejate märkamine linnas toimuvates interaktsioonides ning sellega seoses G. H. Meadi töödest lähtunud interaktsiooni uurimine (sh H. Blumeri sümboliline interaktsionism, mis uurib, kuidas suhestudes asjade, enese ja teiste subjektidega, kujundavad inimesed tähenduslike objektide maailma, milles ja mille suhtes nad tegutsevad). (Remm 2014: 3)
Ajastus on kahtlemata õige, sest Parki 1915. aasta artikli ajaks oli Mead juba pool dekaadi avaldanud mõjukaid artikleid oma filosoofiast.
Vastukaaluks keelelise semioosi analoogiatele ning ruumi isoleeritud süsteemina käsitlemisele hakati tihedamalt looma linnasemiootika sidemeid keskkonna tunnetamist ja interpreteerimist uurivate suundadega keskkonnapsühholoogias ja inimgeograafias. (Remm 2014: 4)
Siia kuuluvad ka prokseemika ja selle edasiarendused, a la Environmental Psychology and Nonverbal Behavior (nüüdseks lihtsalt Journal of Nonverbal Behavior).
Semiootilisest seisukohast ei viita (linna-)ruum siinkohal mitte nö füüsikalisele ruumile vaid äratuntud ruumisuhete kogumile, mis sisaldab muuhulgas ka materiaalset aspekti. Linnaruumi semiootilisuse aluseks on ruumilise struktureerituse ja tähistussuhete (nt vastavus maailmapildi, väärtustesüsteemi või sotsiaalse struktuuriga) kõrval tähenduslikkuse seos kasutusega ning seega sõltuvus subjektist. (Remm 2014: 5)
Sama lugu on ilmselt ükskõik millises semiootilises käsitluses. Näiteks käitumise semiootikas ei ole tähtis mitte kehade liikumine vaid kehaliikumise tähendustamine (tähenduslikustamine?), st äratuntud kehaliikumiste kogum, mis sisaldab muuhulgas ka füsioanatoomilist aspekti.
Ruumi organiseerimine on nimelt normide ja reeglite maha märkimine ruumi ning ühiskonnaliikmed teavad, kuidas kasutada näiteks auto- ja kõnniteed, väljakut, parki, kirikut ja kodu funktsionaalsete üksustena. Teisalt võtab see reeglite ruumi projitseerimine nende reeglite mäletamise ülesande inimestelt – ehk mida reguleeritum on linnaruum selles paiknevate vahendite abil, seda vähem on inimestel aimu, kuidas ruumi ühiselt sotsiaalses interaktsioonis kasutada. (Remm 2014: 6)
Umbes nagu see Platonlik heietus kuidas inimesed õppisid kirjutama, aga unustasid mäletada.
Kuna materiaalne linnaruum võimaldab, piirab ja suunab tegevusi, siis on juba sel kultuurilisele sümbolismile eelneval ruumimorfoloogilisel tasandil olemas struktuur, mis suunab individuaalseid tegevusi, sotsiaalseid kohtumisi ja suhteid ning seekaudu ka kultuuriliste praktikate kujunemist. (Remm 2014: 7)
See on see aspekt mis mind kõige rohkem huvitab. St linnaruumi ja inimkäitumise vastastikkune seos: kuidas inimkäitumine vormib linnaruumi ja kuidas linnaruum vormib inimkäitumist.
Tähendusliku struktuuri kõrval on linnaruum nii korrastuselt kui materiaalselt vormilt sotsiokultuuriliste tegevuste produkt. Ühel poolt on linnaruum isetekkeline – inimesed tegutsevad ning nende tegevustes vormub linnaruum kohalike elanike sissetallatavate radadena, interaktsiooni tööriistadena ja ettevõtjate huvide teostumisena kaubanduskeskuste vormides. Teisalt tegeletakse sihipäraselt linnaruumi, eriti selle funktsionaalse korrastuse planeerimisega ning plaanide teostamisega. Kuigi on võimalik vaadelda individuaalset tegutsemist ja ruumi abstraheeritud kujunemist, kujuneb linnaruum valdavalt sotsiokultuurilise interaktsiooni kontekstis ja seekaudu mõtestatult. (Remm 2014: 7)
St linnaruumi kujunemine inimtegevuse järgi ei ole sugugi suvaline, vaid järgib teatud loogikat - on mõistuspärane.
Iseseisva semiootilise süsteemina ja tunnetusobjektina toimimise kõrval on linnaruumi üheks eripäraks ka erinevate semiootiliste nähtuste mahutamine. Linnas toimiva kultuuri ja ühiskonna kui semiootilise süsteemi üldise toimimise kõrval võib keskenduda linnas leiduvatele märgisüsteemidele. Omaette diskursiivse ruumi moodustavad näiteks visuaalsed reklaamid, mis tarbimiskultuuri osana on küll linnaga tihedalt seotud, ent kasutavad linnaruumi eelkõige kommunikatsiooni kanalina. Samuti kasutavad sotsiaalsed ja kultuurilised liikumised, sh subkultuurid linnaruumi mõnikord etteantud tegevuskohana ilma sellega spetsiifiliselt suhestumata. (Remm 2014: 9)
Siin tuleks tähele panna, et visuaalsed reklaamid pole ainsad linnaruumi (kommunikatsiooni-)kanalina kasutavad märgid või märgilised nähtused. Reklaamide kõrval võib välja tuua ka mitteametliku poole - gräffitid ja miks mitte ka muu vandalismi (lõhkumine on mõnikord loovakt). Kanalite ja meediumite võimalusi vaadates võib välja tuua ka helilised suhtlemisvõimalused (nt linnamüra, helisaastus).
Linnaline semioos, keskendutagu siis enam ruumilisele või kultuurilisele mõõtmele, toimub erinevate interaktsioonide kaudu. Üksteisega suhestuvate subjektide kõrval sisaldavad indiviidide praktikad ka suhestumist keskkonna, teiste sotsiaalsete (sh kollektiivsete) subjektide ning kultuuriliste süsteemide ja nähtustega. Linn on oma olemuselt ja arengult koondatud ja põimunud interaktsioonide kogum ja keskkond. (Remm 2014: 9)
Siin on juba olemas see millest ma tahtsin oma essees kirjutada: linn kui kommunikatsioonisüsteem (communication system) või kommunikatsioonivõrgustik (communication network).
Interaktsioon toimub konkreetsetes tingimustes ning loob ja markeerib nii ruumilisi kui normatiivseid korrastusi. Tingimuste ruumiline korrastus hõlmab kolme peamist aspekti: (1) ruumi klassifitseerimine üksusteks; (2) reegleid ja kontrolli pääsude, käitumise jms osas; (3) üksuste, piiride, reeglite ja normide jms kommunikatsiooni näiteks seinte, eksplitsiitsete sümbolite ja poolfikseeritud elementide kaudu. Lisaks sellele, et ruumi klassifitseerimine ja sellega seotud reeglid on inimestel meeles, on materiaalsete tähistuste kaudu ruumi mentaalne korrastus, st piirid, reeglid, käitumisjuhised jms ruumi ka maha märgitud. Tegu on omamoodi mnemoonilise funktsiooniga – reeglite ruumi märkimine võtab inimestelt nende meelespidamise ülesande. (Remm 2014: 11)
Kõigepealt on ruum jaotatud osadeks, seejärel leiame igale osale vastavad reeglid ja normid ning siis otsime nende normide ja reeglite markeeritust ruumis endas. Valinsi ja Baumi uurimus normatiivsest kontrollist ühiselamute koridorides on siin kohane näide, kuigi tegu pole linnaruumiga.
Linnasemiootika üheks eripäraks võib pidada indiviidi suhteliselt olulist rolli – sageli kaasatakse mõni ajalooliselt oluline isik või nö inimene tänavalt, kes pole aga süsteemiväline, vaid isiku ja ruumipositsiooni osas kuulub linna kui süsteemi sisse. Subjekti suhet linnaga võib kokku võtta kolme üldisesse valdkonda: (1) ruumi kujutlemine; (2) ruumi ja linnanähtuste semantiline kodeerimine ja sellega seotud tähenduslikkuse paljusus ning (3) tegutsemine linnas (i) suhtes ruumiga (ruumilise keskkonnaga), (ii) suhtes kultuuriga (sh kultuuri mäluga) ning (iii) suhtes teiste inimestega. Linnas tegutsev nö linnasemiootiline subjekt on niisiis materiaal-ruumiline ja ruumiga suhestuv, kultuuriline ehk kultuuriliste märgisüsteemidega ja nende kaudu interakteeruv, neid kandev ja kasutav ning sotsiaal-interaktsiooniline. (Remm 2014: 12)
Huvitav kas suhtlemine iseendaga ammendub "suhtes ruumiga".
Esmase semiotiseerimise esitused, mida uurida, võivad varieeruda individuaalsest kõnest ja joonistusest keskkonna kohta kuni ühiskonnas aktsepteeritud ja reguleeritud kujutamisžanriteni (postkaardid, kartograafilised kaardid, reisijuhid, uurimused, planeeringud, kunstid jne). Ent representatsioonid ei eksisteeri üksnes uurija jaoks, vaid eelkõige praktiliste nähtustena, mis on eesmärgist sõltuvad ning sotsiaalselt kontrollitud. Nii täidavad representatsioonid praktilisi eesmärke, kujundavad linna semiotiseerimist ning kujundavad ka linnaga seotud kultuuri ennast. (Remm 2014: 16)
Samasugust lähenemist rakendab biosemiootiline või ökosemiootiline kirjanduskriitika ja ka minu enda nö kehakeele-lugemine (kehaliste representatsioonide lugemine).
Teisalt ei hõlma ruumi representeerimine üksnes olemasoleva ruumi kujutamist, vaid ka ruumile tähenduste omistamist (ning kujutletava ruumi loomist). Läbi representatsiooni jõuab objekt inimese tähenduslikku ja jagatud reaalsusse. Läbi avalike representatsioonide saadud jagatud kogemus loob võimaluse ruumi kollektiivseks tähendustamiseks. Taoliste ühiste semiootiliste tegevuste kaudu tekib ja toimib ruumi ühtsele mõistmisele tuginev identiteet. Teisest küljest loob ruumi korduv sarnane representeerimine selget tähenduslikku ruumi ja paika. (Remm 2014: 16)
Analoogia jätkub, sest väga sarnaselt on meil jagatud ettekujutus "kehakeelest", mis on sealjuures vägagi noor nähtus (sündinud 1970).