Bodily Communication

Argyle, Michael 1975. Bodily Communication. London : Methuen

Kohe raamatu eessõnas nimetab Argyle raamatuid mis on teda mõjutanud ja mulle juba tuttavate teoste (Mehrabian 1972, Knapp 1972, Birdwhistell 1970) kõrval nimetab ta R. Harre, P. ja F. Secordi teose "The explanation of social behaviour" (1972), mis on sotsiaalteaduste raamatukogu hoidlas olemas!

Condoni väida, et tänapäeval pööratkse rohkem tähelepanu iseendale kui teadmiste objektile, millest mitteverbaalne käitumine on üks osa, on Argyle sissejuhatuses sellisel kujul:
We have a good idea of the different messages which are conveyed by different bodily signals - emotional states, attitudes to other people, information about the self and supporting speech by providing illustrations, feedback, and synchronizing signals, and in sign-language replacing it. It is used as well in ritual and ceremony, art and music, propaganda and politics. (Argyle 1975: 3-4)

Märkide ja signaalide eristamise küsimus kerkib siingi:
By a sign or signal we shall mean an element of the behaviour, appearance, etc., of one organism that is received by the sense organs of a second organism and affects its behaviour. We exclude simply mechanical influence: if A pushed B over this is a mechanical effect (though it will probably a communication as well). Signs normally act at a distance, though we shall consider certain forms of bodily contact as signs. Some signals are intended to communicate - these will be called communications. Signals are a quite distinctive class of behaviour, because they have meanings - they stand for other objects or events, or create expectations of behaviour to follow. (Argyle 1975: 5)

Füüsilise ja sotsiaalse käitumise eristuse saab siit:
A number of sociologists have distinguished between human social behaviour and other events in the natural world. Human social acts, it is said, are initiated and planned with certain goals in mind; the performance is subject to self-direction, follows rules, and is meaningful to the performed in that he can give a verbal account justifying it, or may try to make an anticipated account come true. Furthermore, many social acts, verbal and non-verbal, have a symbolic character, which makes them different from nearly all animal behaviour. NV acts, like verbal ones, communicate quite differently from sheer physical signals. For example, the absence of a NV act, for example, a refusal to shake hands, may constitute an extremely important social act. Small differences in the physical acts performed e.g. small differences in the direction of gaze, can produce very big differences in their meaning. In this respect NV signals are similar to verbal ones, where a change in one letter can totally alter meaning. Furthermore, the same physical act can have quite different meaning in different cultures, just as a word can. Putting these two points together, doing nothing in the same situation may have a quite different significance in two different cultures. (Argyle 1975: 52)

Seos enese-esituse ja käitumusliku valetamise vahel:
[I]t appears to be necessary for both animals and humans to signal their identity to other people, for them to communicate enough information about themselves for others to be able to respond to them appropriately. Such information consists of symbolic information indicating to which of various categories of persons they belong. Presumably such self-presentation in birds is not a product of deliberate and reflective cognitive processes, and probably in many human beings it is not. However, self-presentation often involves quite careful planning, and a certain amount of deception. When this behaviour has been performed over a period of time it becomes spontaneous and unreflective.
It is also necessary for interactors to send enough information about the purpose of their behaviour to make it intelligible to possible onlookers; Goffman (1971) has called this 'body-gloss'. People are evidently aware of what their behaviour looks like to others, and they send additional NV signals to show that it has some acceptable and sensible purpose, or occasionally to communicate a misleading meaning, as in various kinds of deceptive behaviour. In these latter cases there is much more conscious awareness than in relaxed, and spontaneous behaviour. (Argle 1975: 55-56)

Denotatiivse-konnotatiivse suhe mitteverbaalses ja konteksti mõistmise tähtsus:
Psychologists analyse the meaning of signals in terms of the words and images evoked by them. Students of semiotics, however, point out that signs have two kinds of meanings - denotation and connotation. They denote a class of objects or events; they connote the abstract set of ideas which defines this class; connotation depends on the linkage of this sign with other signs in the communication system. Thus a gesture illustrating a large fish both represents the class of large fish and connotes this particular kind of beast. Connotation involves linkades with other concepts - small fish, large animals etc., both between verbalized concepts and between images of these classes. Connotation often deals in terms of opposition (large v: small) and of hierarchies of classes (fish as part of the animal kingdom). Some bodily signals have meanings as part of elaborate sign systems. Kenneth Pike (1957) has made the point that one could not understand what is going on at a religious service, a baseball game, a fishing expedition, or a scientific experiment unless one understood the ideas and plans in the minds of the participants, together with the whole set of concepts and rules connected with the religious service or baseball game. (Argyle 1975: 58)

Kuidas muuta grupi norme:
How can these rules be changed? Studies of change in group norms show that these are changed as the result of an individual's deviating, and persuading the rest of the group that the new norm is to their advantage. The deviate may get his ideas from other groups, or may have thought of the change himself. He will be successful in persuading the other group members if he is of high status in the group, has conformed in the past, possesses persuasive social skills, and can show the others that they will gain from the change. Presumably there is a kind of natural selection in which rules survive which provide the greates satisfaction to the majority of the group members. It follows that there may be sets of social rules as yet unthought of, which might be even more beneficial. Perhaps we should simply do without some of our present rules, just as we manage without the 'Boston switch'. (Argyle 1975: 67)

Kuidas lühiajalised mimeetilised ülekanded mõjutavad sotsiaalset kogemust:
A happy person thinks that other people are happy. In real social situations there is a further reason for this - a happy person produces at least a temporary cheerful state in those that he meets - which he sees as their emotional state, without realizing he has partly induced it himself. (Argyle 1975: 115)

Enamus mitteverbaalsest pettusest kannab positiivset funktsiooni:
In animals interpersonal signals reflect the real attitude of the animals concerned. In human being things are more complicated, and for strategic reasons signals are often sent which are not genuine. The most common form of deception is probably the expression of attitudes that are more friendly than the true attitude; this is partly to ingratiate superiors or others, from whom rewards are sought, partly to make life in social groups easier and pleasanter. Most dissimulation probably takes place in the face, since people are able to monitor their facial expression easily; it is not so widely known, however, that interpersonal attitudes are conveyed by a number of other non-verbal signals such as posture and orientation, which makes it possible to see through deceptive facial expressions. (Argyle 1975: 125-126)

Information about human individuals is conveyed in a similar way - there information is given involuntarily about race, age, and sex. In addition there is also deliberate manipulation of cues, or 'self-presentation'; the ideas which the sender has about himself are converted into bodily signals, which others have to decode. The manipulation of cues extends to some degree of control over the apparently fixed and involuntary cues for age, physique, and even race and sex. Though this is difficult to achieve and there are obvious limits to what can be done, nevertheless some people do change their voice and appearance to a remarkable degree by various methods including surgical operations. Human beings need information about each other, just as animals do. We have additional motives for sending it however; by creating a favourable impression on others we can gain material advantages, sustain a satisfying positive self-image, and a 'self-fulfilling prophecy' - become more effective in many social skills - teachers can teach their pupils more, psychiatrists can make their patients recover faster, if they are believed competent.
Personality can be interpreted in terms of the encoding and decoding of mainly non-verbal signals. But what is the message which is being sent? The involuntary cues convey all kinds of information about the sender's body, roles, and whatever cognitive dimensions or categories they use. In the case of the manipulated cues, the information sent is how the sender perceives himself, and how he wants others, in general or particular, to see him. The situation is made more complicated by the fact that people use quite different cognitive constructs in this sphere - people classify each other in terms of a great variety of dimensions, partly derived from the culture, partly individually developed. (Argyle 1975: 134-135)

Diskussioon metakommunikatsioonist:
If the verbal contents are the 'message', the non-verbal framing signals are a message about the message; but it is really the combination of the two that constitutes the complete message. Some psychologists have maintained that the message and the grame belong to completely differnt communication systems; but it is perfectly possible for the 'real' message to be carried by the non-verbal signals, as when two people agree about the contents but not about their relationship. These are really 'messages about the relationship'. However, from the point of view of the message proper it may be argued that the two channels combine to produce a total act of verbal communication, for example, a question asked in a spirit of polite inquiry, a piece of information given as a devastating rebuttal, or an order given as a mild suggestion. (Argyle 1975: 157)

Siin jätab Argyle blatantly välja autokommunikatsiooni:
Although individual rituals may employ similar kinds of symbolism, no communication is involved, because there are no shared signals. (Argyle 1975: 175)

Peatükk 10 ("NVC in society - politics & persuasion") väärib käesoleval momendil erilist tähelepanu.
In large groups of animals social order is maintained and leadership exercised by non-verbal encounters, mainly between the older and stronger males. In primitive human societies things are similar, except words are used - though words have little effect unless backed up by the appearance or reality of power. (Argyle 1975: 193)
We can distinguish five different kinds of political activity each of which makes use of non-verbal signals:
  1. Direct political action
  2. Civil disobediance
  3. Peaceful demonstration
  4. Demonstration of power by the authorities
  5. Attempts to change the social position of a group
(Argyle 1975: 194-199)

Võib-olla see, millele van Dijk vihjas:
Racial and other minority groups, members of the lower social classes, and young people occupy underprivilieged positions in society. In addition to their material frustrations there are also those of being treated as social inferiors in everyday social contacts: the style of non-verbal behaviour of members of superior groups constitutes the main source of frustration. (Argyle 1975: 198)

Whether or not a political leader is elected to high office depends partly on his personal public image, quite apart from the policies he and his party stand for. This public image is derived partly from real events in his career, partly from the impression he gives on TV and in person, and it is partly the result of impression-management by public relations experts. (Argyle 1975: 205)

Ülesmärge: "Rhetoric of Nonverbal Communication" by Haig A. Bosmajian.

Mõtlesin seda teha juba ühe varasema teose puhul, kuid seekord tegin mõtte teoks: skännida põnevamad skeemid sisse.
1. Lk 217: Emotions perceived in schematic faces (from Thayer and Schiff, 1969: 76)

2. Lk 222: Birdwhistelli 60-märgiline kehakeel (näide sellest miks lingvistikat ei tasuks rakendada kehakeelele)

3. Lk 259: kõrge ja madala kodeeritusega žestid. Selle nägemisel meenus koheselt näost-näkku vestlus Tenjesega - tajusin, et tema žestid on kõrge kodeeritusega ja minu omad madala kodeeritusega. Kõrvalleheküljel on tekst: "...it has been found by Baxter, Winters, and Hammer (1968) that people with greater verbal facility used more gestures, suggesting that gestures are supplements rather than substitutes."

Gesture: action of shooting self
Meaning: faux pas
(lk 261)

Kuidas erinevad inimese ja looma mitteverbaalne suhtlemine:
Most animal communications are triggered directly by immediate stimuli and motivational states. Human communications, verbal or non-verbal, are partly the product of cognitive processes, are directed towards long-term goals, and depend in a complex way on the nature of the situation and its rules. As we have seen, social acts may be consciously planned and monitored; where they are more spontaneous the processes involved are similar, though there is less conscious attention to the performance. (Argyle 1975: 365)

Käitumise modelleerimine videomaterjali järgi:
Another form of social skills training uses 'modelling' - imitating the performance of skilled practitioners, seen either in person or on film. Again it may be necessary to use verbal intervention, to draw attention to certain aspects of the model's performance. And simply watching other people is not enough - the learner has to have a go himself. Research on training teachers at Stanford showed that watching a filmed model was valuable, especially if there was verbal commentary on it; role-playing, with verbal feedback and video-tape replay was also effective. However, with modelling and video-tape playback, verbal intervention is unnecessary (McKnight 1971). (Argyle 1975: 368)

Kokkuvõte. Hea. Võttis kolm päeva, et läbi närida, aga oli seda väärt. Olen kindel, et see on üks põhilisi allikaid, kust Pease oma jama ümber kirjutas. Argyle on kogunud ja tõlgendanud ise piisavalt, et see oleks, nagu sissejuhatuses on õeldud, samaagselt teaduslik ja populaarne. Siiski tundsin paljud kohad ära Pease'i töödest, ainult, et viimane oli teinud asja banaalselt lihtsaks, kirjutades tekstist välja kõik vähegi teaduslikud terminid. Jälle kord tunnen, et suhtluskoolitustel Pease'i tõlgenduste edasi andmine on vale.
Õppejõule seda teost näidates seostus sõna leheküljelt talle vastu vaatav sõna 'behaviour' tema jaoks behaviourismiga. Pärast seda mõtlesin järgi, kas see võib olla 'undercover' jätk behaviourismile, kuid tõendid osutavad teises suunas. Mitteverbaalse suhtlemise ajalool on oma ajalugu (Darwin, Efron, Birdwhistell ja Mehrabian, keegi neist pole minu teada seotud behaviourismiga). Argyle'i töö on sotsiaal-psühholoogiline, kuid kasutab põhiliselt "signaali" ja "sümboli" mõisteid. Argyle tõlgitseb paljuski tekste sellistelt tegelastelt nagu Levi-Strauss, Sebeok, McLuhan ja Huizinger (kellede seminaritekste me semiootika ainetes oleme lugenud).
Argyle'i sulest ilmus 1969 veel põhjalikum teos, Social Interaction, mis on 500 lehekülge pikk ja mille lugemiseks ma pean end varuma (lugemisjärjekorras on praegu palju teoseid). Tema väidetavalt olulisim panus valdkonda, The Psychology of Interpersonal Behaviour, pole Tartus saadaval. Wiki räägib, et Argyle oli üks esimesi ja mõjukamaid Inglise (Oxfordi) sotsiaalpsühholooge. Eriliselt huvitas teda inimese pilk (gaze) ja see oli ka teema, millest ta pärast Bodily Communicationi koos Mark Cookiga raamatu (Gaze and Mutual Gaze) raamatu kirjutas 1976. aastal. Good stuff.


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